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Actes du XIIe colloque du CIERGA (partim)

Synoecism and religious interface in Demetrias (Thessaly)*

Sofia Kravaritou
p. 111-135

Résumés

Cet article aborde les questions liées à l’apport de l’archéologie avec d’autres disciplines, principalement l’histoire et l’épigraphie, à l’étude de la réorganisation de la vie religieuse au sein de synécismes post-classiques. L’accent est mis sur l’interface religieuse de Thessalie côtière de l’Est, tel qui a été configuré après la réunion des communautés locales, en 293, afin de former Démétrias, nouvelle fondation royale et siège du royaume macédonien.

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Texte intégral

  • *  I am indebted to the anonymous referee for very constructive criticism. Professor Robert Parker re (...)
  • 1  Schnapp (1999), p. 34.

1“Can we talk about an Archaeology of Greek Religion?” From this key question addressed by A. Schnapp1 in 1999 – in an attempt to re-evaluate the hermeneutical and practical dimension of religious archaeology for ancient Greece – until theestablishment of KernosArchaeological Chronicle in 2001 and its present decennial anniversary celebration, the contribution which archaeology can make to our understanding of Greek religion was more than ever highlighted.

1. Religion and synoecism

  • 2 On early synoecisms: Gabrielsen (2000), p. 177-206; Reger (2001), p. 157-181; Hansen (2004), p. 115 (...)
  • 3 Nilsson (1951), p. 18-25.
  • 4 Parker (2009), p. 183.

2New types of political organization – namely the enforced or the voluntary synoecism and the sympolity – emerged in a wide scale at the dawn of the classical world, when the restructuring of the socio-political order dynamically overshadowed the classical polis’ saga;2this has surely left important traces on the local religious life. The religious inferences of synoecism have been already briefly discussed by M.P. Nilsson,3 but a thorough response to the question of the impact of communities’ coalescence to the local religious life has been recently provided by R. Parker: “every re-structuring of the political order required or potentially required the re-organisation of cults, rewriting of sacrificial calendars, re-assignation of priesthoods … for a community threat­ened by subjection, aspiring to liberation or contemplating synoecism the future of ancestral cults must have been one very sensitive issue.”4 And this is by no means a modern assumption, since local inscriptions reflect the Greek attitude towards political unification and cultic realignment: an emotional bewilderment and anticipation followed by further drastic enactment.

  • 5 Syll.³, 1024; cf. Reger (2001), p. 157-181. Parker (2009), p. 188.
  • 6 IG XII 1, 761, l. 38-43; Parker (2009), p. 205-210.
  • 7  Gabrielsen (2000), p. 177-206.
  • 8 Cf. Parker (2009), p. 189-190.
  • 9 SEG 37, 340; Thür, Tauber (1994), 9 (Translation: Parker [2009], p. 199).
  • 10 IG IX 1, 32. Cf. Parker (2009), p. 201-202.
  • 11  Parker (2009), p. 183-214.

3The Myconian “sacred law” of the last quarter of the third century inaugu­rates a new era in the creation of the island’s religious life after the synoecism.5 Furthermore, “no one participate in the rites of Lindos who did not participate in them before” clearly echoes the voice of the Lindians of the late fourth century, after the synoecism of the three Rhodian cities;6 they clearly approved exclusivity in their own religious affairs and accept no further pan-Rhodian interference or participation in them.7 Contrary to such efforts to protect traditional identity, elsewhere the new citizens were to participate in the traditional rites or in all affairs of the existing ones.8 This is how, for example, in the first half of the fourth century, the “Heliswasians are to become like and equal to Mantineans”, while at least some of their own rites will continue to be performed.9 Furthermore, in the liberal polity of the sympolity agreement between Stiris and Medeon in Phocis, in the second century, “the Medeonians are to participate in all Stirian sacrifices and the Stirians to the Medeonian ones.”10 These are only some aspects of a wide range of religious impacts of synoecism and sympolity cases included in Parker’s exhaustive case study and appendix, based on diverse forms of a relationship of dependency between communities, with examples of earlier rituals’ exclusion or investment of religious emotion on new deities.11

  • 12  Cohen (1995); Ma (1999), p. 106-179; Reger (2004), p. 732-793.
  • 13 Welles (1934); Hatzopoulos (2006), p. 82-92.
  • 14  Syll.³ 344, 1-4; SEG 15, 717, 1-4; Welles (1934), nos. 3-4; Parker (2009), p. 200.

4However, political unification for the post-classical world was more than an issue involving direct agreement policy between the implicated parts, since many poleis foundations or re-foundations resulted from the decisions of the Hellenistic rulers.12 In that case, unions’ establishment was depending on instructions codified by the rulers themselves, which in the form of royal letters were dispatched to the local representatives of the royal court, or the magistrates of the implicated cities.13 Those instructions included also stipula­tions on the organization and re-establishment of a normal course in the religious life within the newly established communities. In the first mutilated lines of a letter of Antigonos Monophthalmos to Teos in 303, ordering physical synoecisn between Teos and Lebedos, it is prescribed that the Lebedian delegate to Panionion should “tent and celebrate” with those coming from Teos and “should be called Tean himself.”14

  • 15 SEG 39, 1283. Cf. Ma (1999), p. 284-285.
  • 16  Welles (1934), no. 29.

5Unfortunately, the fragmentary character of the available documentation often deprives us from those specific instructions on the restructuring of the religious life. This is obviously the case of the fragmentary letter of Antiochos III to the Sardians, in 213, ordering the cutting of wood for the “synoikismos of the city,”15 as well as of a letter of Attalus I (?) to Mylasa ratifying sympolity with Chalcetor (228-223?).16

  • 17 IG X 2, 1, 3 (diagramma); cf. Hatzopoulos (1996), no. 15. Intzesiloglou (2006), p. 67-77 (royal let (...)

6In general, royal correspondence ordering synoecism should be considered as the beginning of a ruler’s usual interference in the local religious affairs following the creation of these post-classical royal foundations. An example is the diagramma ordering proper administration of the incomes of Sarapis in the Serapeion of Thessalonike in Macedonia (187), as well as the royal letter to the epistates of Demetrias in Thessaly prescribing the proper clothing to be worn by the royal hunters of Heracles Kynagidas (221-179), both issued by Philip V.17

  • 18  Hansen (2004), 115-119. Cf. Reger (2004), p. 148-149; Parker (2009), p. 187.

7However, due to the lack of adequate epigraphic documentation establishing the religious affairs of every political union, the decryption of the particular type of local poleis coalescence and ritual life usually requires the combination of additional elements to a simple reading of a literary passage, especially when the literary testimonies usually postdate the union itself, not to mention the overlap between the two terms of synoikismos and sympoliteia.18

  • 19 Cf. Cohen (1995), p. 109-120; Helly (2009), p. 342-344.
  • 20  Helly (1993), p. 167-200.

8In Thessaly, for example, although literary evidence demonstrates a certain number of political coalescences, especially following the establishment of the Macedonians in the region during the fourth and third century,19 only one epigraphic document is known to refer to them: the sympolity agreement between Gomphoi and Ithome in NW Thessaly.20 On the contrary, in eastern Thessaly, there is a lack of documents negotiating this issue and thus complementary information resulting from the local archaeological data comes in assistance.

2. The synoecism of Demetrias under Macedonian rule

  • 21 Cohen (1995), p. 111-114; Batziou-Efstathiou (2002).
  • 22  Strabo, IX, 4, 15; IX, 5, 15; cf. Livy, XXXII, 37, 3; cf., Stählin, Meyer, Heidner (1934), p. 137- (...)

9In the beginning of the third century (293), the Macedonian king Demetrius Poliorketes established a synoecism of the former Thessalian and Magnesian communities situated around the port of the Pagasetic Gulf and in the Magnesian peninsula respectively and created Demetrias at the inlet of the Gulf.21 According to later literary sources, this powerful city and cosmopolitan harbour was meant to constitute a “seat of the Macedonian kingdom (basileion)”, a “naval base” and one of the three “fetters” of Greece, along with Corinth and Chalcis.22 Following the issues related specifically to the re-organization of the local religious life after this large scale re-structuring of political order in eastern Thessaly at the dawn of the Hellenistic period will be addressed.

2.1. The royal letter

  • 23 SEG 15, 717, 1-4.
  • 24  Pantermalis (1999), p. 57 (photo); cf. Hatzopoulos (1996), p. 401-403.
  • 25  Hatzopoulos (2006), p. 88-89 and pl. XIVa (with French translation adapted here); cf. Bull. Epigr.(...)

10Unfortunately, the assignment to identify the nature of Demetrius’ synoecism is not provided with an explicit royal document, as – for example – the one ordering the synoecism between Lebedos and Teos.23 However, a relevant – although fragmentary – royal letter was discovered in the sanctuary of Zeus Olympios at Dion and was originally assigned to Philip V.24 Hatzopoulos has recently re-dated this document to 291 and assigned it to Demetrius Poliorcetes, linking it with the establishment of Demetrias, in 293: “King Demetrius to Ladamas (?), greeting. I have established the delimitation of the territory belonging to the citizens of Demetrias and Pherai, as they have confined it to me.”25 In this letter Demetrius actually commissions the border and landmarks between the territories of Pherai and the newly established Demetrias, ordering a certain Ladamas to put a landmark near the site called Iolkia.

  • 26 Decourt, Nielsen, Helly et al. (2004), p. 704.

11This document constitutes an important piece of evidence with regards to the local topography, especially after its new dating (291). Although the actual royal order of the “how to do it” towards the foundation of the synoecism is missing, Demetrius’ letter delimitates the geo-political framework of the new royal foun­da­tion vis-à-vis the Thessalian inland and the territory of Pherai, the prominent neighbouring polis of the Thessalian tetras Pelasgiotis.26

  • 27  Bakhuizen (1987), p. 321; Helly (2006), esp. p. 146-147.
  • 28 Helly (2006), esp. p. 158-163.
  • 29 Herodotus, V, 94.
  • 30 Theopompus, 115 F 53 (ed. Jacoby); Demosthenes, Olynth. I, 12, 22.
  • 31 Pseudo-Skylax, Periplous, 65.
  • 32 Liampi (2005), p. 23-40.
  • 33 Cf. Helly (2006), p. 155-158.
  • 34 Demosthenes, I, 22.

12In particular, Pherai’s territorial expansion had for long reached the coastline of the Pagasetic Gulf. It is generally agreed that the poleis located around the harbor of the inlet were, at least from the sixth century, subjects to the Thessalians,27 whereas there was no community belonging to the Magnesians before the middle of the fourth century.28 Herodotus mentions that Iolkos was already under the control of the Thessalians who offered it to the Athenian tyrant Hippias,29 while other sources acknowledge Pagasai as the port of Pherai.30However, in the fourth century, Pseudo-Skylax included Iolkos among the Magnesian poleis;31 it certainly enjoyed at that time a polis status, since along with Pagasai, they struck coins bearing the ethnics ΙΩΛΚΙΩΝ and ΠΑΓΑΣΑΙΩΝ respectively.32 In the middle of the fourth century, these coastal poleis were handed over to the Macedonians.33 Philip II fortified the port, Pagasai, and controlled all commercial activities by collecting their taxes, an action that provoked the anger of the Thessalians.34

13To sum up, the boundary enacted by Demetrius in the beginning of the third century, between the territories of Demetrias and Pherai, eventually promoted the definitive consolidation of the Macedonian control over the port, pushing Pherai towards the inland.

2.2. Evidence from literary sources

  • 35  Strabo, IX, 5, 15.
  • 36  Plutarch, Demosthenes, 53, 7.

14Most of the surviving evidence that describes the emergence of Demetrias in the geopolitical scenery of the biggest natural harbour in Thessaly consists of literary sources post-dating the foundation itself. Strabo mentions that “Demetrius founded Demetrias nearby the sea, between Neleia and Pagasai, having synoecized (synoikisas) the nearby polichnai, Neleia, Pagasai, Ormenion and also Rhizous, Sepias, Olizon, Boibe and Iolkos, which are now komai of Demetrias.”35 Also, Plutarch states that “Demetrias was created from polichnai placed near Iolkos.36 These most important, though quite enigmatic, passages deliver names of local small communities (polichnai) participating in the synoecism and becoming komai of Demetrias.

  • 37  Pseudo-Skylax, 65: “Magnesians constitute an ethnos living close to the sea, while their poleis in (...)

15However, other important information is to be found in Skylax, predating the synoecism, and in the much later Pliny; besides the polichnai enumerated by Strabo and Plutarch, some local poleis names have been assigned by them to the Magnesian peninsula.37 Then, were those extra poleis included in the synoecism? And, finally, what is the exact number, the location, the names and the status(es) of the synoecized communities?

  • 38  For example, Wace (1906); Bakhuizen (1992); Intzesiloglou (1994), p. 31-56; Helly (2004), p. 101-1 (...)
  • 39  Batziou-Efstathiou (2002).
  • 40 Strabo, IX, 5, 15.
  • 41 Cf. Intzesiloglou (1996), p. 91-109; on komai in Macedonia, Hatzopoulos (1996), p. 120-121.
  • 42  Hansen (2004), p. 115-119; Reger (2004), p. 145-180.

16Unfortunately, the study of the political geography of the small plain on the bay of the Pagasetic Gulf and the Magnesian peninsula as a whole has not reached safe conclusions regarding the identification and location of these settlements, as most identifications are not corroborated by epigraphic evidence, and often contradict each other;38only the fortified city of Demetrias has been securely identified and excavated.39 In addition, although the later sources40 mention various names that became komai of Demetrias and even though komai are epigraphically attested for other contemporary royal foundations in Macedonia, there is no epigraphic evidence for post-classical komai in the region of Demetrias.41 Consequently, the nature of the early synoecism is inadequately understood: was there a physical synoecism involving large/small scale urban relocation and population transfer or a political one?42 What happened to the cults of the old communities?

3. Archaeology, religion and synoecism in Demetrias

  • 43 Cf. Kravaritou (forthcoming).
  • 44 IG IX 2, 1101; 1107a-b (found 20 km from Demetrias).
  • 45 Cf. Stamatopoulou (2004-2009).

17Since most of the settlements involved in the synoecism are not located or securely identified, neither are most of their cult places;43 this fact deprives us from appreciating the interface of religious life before and within the synoecism. In addition, even for the securely identified polis of Demetrias itself there are significant problems regarding the identification and the attribution of its cult places. Firstly, the diachronic and continuous habitation in the small plain of the head of the Pagasetic Gulf made the transportation and re-use of its stone material an extremely widespread practice; consequently, epigraphic material related to cults is usually found out of context.44 Secondly, the votive landscape is shrouded in mist, since most of the material remains unpublished, thus undated and even currently unidentifiable.45

3.1. . . . the Thessalian background

  • 46 Malakasioti (1998), p. 419-422.
  • 47  Bakhuizen (1992); cf. Helly (2006).
  • 48  Stählin, Meyer, Heidner (1934).
  • 49  Avagianou (2002).

18A first overview of the archaeological evidence related to settlement ruins that were brought to light in the area of the future polis of Demetrias strongly indicates that at the end of the fourth/beginning of the third century BC almost all settlements and their cult places are abandoned. On the SW edge of the inlet, the suburban sanctuary, along with the archaic and classical city located on the hill Soros (ancient Amphanai? Pagasai?), contain no finds postdating the early third century. Fourth-century artefacts were found scattered in the sanctuary’s pronaos and the two lateral rooms, both closed permanently ever since (Table 1, 2-3). This sanctuary has been tentatively attributed to Apollo (Pagasaios?) (Table 1, 1 and 5-6); fourth-century coins issued by Pagasai bear the head of the poliadic divinity Apollo Pagasaios (Table 1, 4). Furthermore, on the western part of the inlet, the remains of a Doric temple that is situated under the modern church of Ag. Theodoroi (Table 1, 12-14) on the hill Palia/Kastro of Volos, has been attributed to Artemis Iolkia, the poliadic divinity depicted on the fourth-century coins of classical Iolkos (Table 1, 15). The city has been tentatively identified with the Classical deposits at Palia that can be associated with contemporary graves of the neighboring cemetery at Nea Ionia.46 The Geometric and Classical finds discovered within the ruins of the temple combined with the lack of posterior evidence suggest the abandonment of both sanctuary and settlement in the early third century. Furthermore, on the NE edge of the inlet, the late Classical/early Hellenistic fortified settlement on the hill of Goritsa (ancient Methone?), where a cave dedicated to Zeus Meilichios has been excavated (Table 1, 44), was also abandoned at the same time.47 Finally, besides the ruins on the hill Soros, two more sites with classical deposits have been put forward as Pagasai. They are both situated beneath later Demetrias,48 thus, their stone material was either destroyed or re-used and consequently the identification of cult places is seriously obstructed. However, traces of two sanctuaries that seem to antedate the synoecism were excavated in the area, by Arvanitopoulos, and were attributed to Herakles and Hera respectively (Table 1, 25 and 28). Also, traces of an altar/exedra(?) to a prothyraia divinity – probably Ennodia, the great Pheraian Goddess – was located on the main road leading from Pagasai to Pherai (Table 1, 23); also, a votive stele to Ennodia Patroa belongs to the same classical deposits beneath Demetrias (Table 1, 24). Pherai’s presence on the inlet had surely influenced the local cult landscape; Theopompus mentions the cult of Dionysus Pelekys at Pagasai (Table 1, 22), with strong relations to Pherai, while Hermes Chthonios (Table 1, 30), the prominent Thessalian divinity, is depicted on funerary monuments and connected with the afterlife voyage of the dead49.

  • 50  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 301-303.

19In addition, an archaic and classical sanctuary was recently discovered at the locality Spartias, situated also along the classical road between Pherai and Pagasai; a votive inscription to Herakles, a divinity strongly related to the fifth century foundation myths of Pherai, was uncovered from the ruins (Table 1, 26-27). This critical road of communication50, exchange and commercial activities between inner Thessaly and the Aegean would have hosted more peri-urban and rural sanctuaries, whose fate might have been modified after the enactment of the border polity between Demetrias and Pherai by Demetrius; in the absence of excavated material, this issue remains subject to future investigation.

  • 51 For ex. Meliboia; cf. Tziaphalias, Intzesiloglou, Helly (2010).

20Furthermore, outside the area of the inlet of the Gulf, an early sanctuary dedicated to Zeus Akraios and most probably a cave of Chiron were unearthed on the summit of Mount Pelion (Table 1, 42-43), as well as an archaic and a classical layer of the sanctuary of Apollo Koropaios at modern Korope (Ancient Korope?) (Table 1, 7-10). As far as the rest of the peninsula is concerned, due to the absence of systematic excavations most of the settlements – whose presence is attested in the ancient sources- are not yet located or securely identified.51 Consequently, eventual population transfer from this area or cult relocation in terms of the synoecism cannot be identified for the moment. A classical sanctuary – Artemis Tisaia (?) – has been partially uncovered at Theotokou (Table 1, 16-18), while a strong presence of heroic and other poliadic cults is indicated by fourth-century coins issued by the Magnesian communities, which bear representations of them (Table 1, 11, 20-21, 32-33, 41).

  • 52  Helly (2006), p. 146-163.

21To sum up, since the early settlements in the area of the future polis of Demetrias – except of that/those beneath its ruins – were abandoned at the beginning of the third century, we conclude that Demetrius’ synoecism might have involved – at least for the area of the inlet of the Gulf – physical synoecism and population transfer, implying also the abandonment of the old agoras and main cult places and, thus, a total “rethinking” of the region’s sacred space. Most of the cults attested in the area of the future polis of Demetrias – Apollo(?) of Soros and Korope, Ennodia, Heracles and surely Hermes Chthonios – should be assigned to the “proper Thessalian background” that –according to Helly – predate non only the synoecism but also the installation of the Magnetes on the southern part of Pelion and the bay in the fourth century.52 Is there any visible impact of this cultic background on the re-structuring of religious life within the synoecism of Demetrias?

3.2. … cultic background and royal foundation

22Although archaeological research in the polis of Demetrias is ongoing and the entire city has not yet been investigated, there is important evidence implying a certain degree of re-appraisal of local traditional religious patterns, which have actually found a place, after 293, in the urban tissue and the newly established religious landscape of the royal foundation.

  • 53  Wolters (1975), p. 86-87, n. 5 ; Stamatopoulou (1999), p. 153-162.

23The figure of Hermes Chthonios, the most prominent divinity of the “proper Thessalian background”, which was associated with post-mortem popular beliefs, is still present; surprisingly, he is depicted in almost all funerary stelai of Demetrias beside or below the painted scene with the deceased (Table 2, 44). In a new funerary context characterized by the multicultural identity of the dead and where the typology of the stelai is not of Thessalian origin, Hermes Chthonios, slightly modified, finds his place as a painted herm, while his name is never written on the stelai.53

  • 54  Chrysostomou (1998), p. 187-230.

24Furthermore, two more cults of the Thessalian sub-stratum were adapted in Demetrias. The Pheraian Goddess Ennodia, along with Artemis Ennodia and Ennodia Hecate (Table 2, 11-12, 37), are amalgamated with new feminine Hellenistic deities, like Pasikrata and the Mother of the Gods (Table 2, 29, 31, 50)54 Also, there are traces of Heracles’ cult (Table 2, 40).

  • 55 Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica I, 570-572; III, 312.

25In addition, a temple of Artemis Iolkia, the poliadic divinity of Iolkos, in the agora of the new polis adjacent to the palace attests that this early prominent cult was relocated in the new city (Table 2, 13). The popularity of the Iolkian Artemis, praised by the contemporary Apollonius of Rhodes55 and represented on third-century coins issued by Demetrius (Table 2, 14), made it an ideal vehicle for promoting the new polis identity and the naval plans of Demetrias, by forging a bond with the remote Greek legendary past: the panhellenic nautical expedition of the Argonauts.

  • 56 IG IX 2, 1109a.

26Finally, archaeological evidence suggests that the sanctuary of Zeus Akraios and Chiron on the summit of Mount Pelion (Table 2, 58, 60) and the oracular sanctuary of Apollo Koropaios at Korope (Table 2, 4-6) continued to exist throughout the Hellenistic period until late antiquity, as extra-urban sanctuaries of Demetrias. The city organised yearly processions to them during the festival days of the Gods; foreigners are also attested as visitors of the famous oracle of Apollo at Korope.56

3.3. New Cults and royal foundation

  • 57  Strabo, IX, 4, 15.

27Although the aforementioned evidence clearly indicates the continuation of cults from the early religious sub-stratum of the region into the new city, we should not forget that Demetrias was a Macedonian city and basileion,57 founded to serve as royal residence from its creation until the decline of the Macedonian presence in the region and the advent of the Romans in 168. Thus, we would normally expect traces of the Macedonian presence on a cultic level.

  • 58  Hatzopoulos (1994), p. 102-111.
  • 59 Batziou-Efstathiou and Pikoulas (2006), p. 79-89.

28An edict of Philip V attests the existence of the cult of Heracles Kynagidas, with parallels in Macedonia relating to local social institutions (Table 2, 43); kynegoi, according to Hatzopoulos, were the royal ephebes in charge of the forests and the royal hunts.58 Thus, this cult conforms to the presence of the basileion and the basilike chora, in Demetrias.59

29Furthermore, an amalgamation of old and new motifs, in order to construct a new religious and political identity in the newly founded Demetrias, is perfectly attested by two third-century resolutionsfrom Iolkos and Glaphyrai, mentioning the presence of a new common cult of the archegetai kai ktistai (Table 2, 8) into Demetrias and its chora, aswell as of an archegeteion– the official cult seat. Marzolff identified it with the so-called “heroon/mausoleum”of Demetrius, an important building with fine sculpted architectural decoration of Ionic style, located at a prominent position above the theatre within the walls of Demetrias (Table 2, 9). However, thelack of epigraphic corroboration and the fact that it was left unfinished allow for the moment only speculation regarding its character. The presence of the archegeteion in Demetrias, along with eventual celebrations commemorating the synoecism’s foundation, are perfectly justified by the politics of the synoecism (cf. the Synoikia in Athens), although this does not exclude the possibility of cult celebration on the minor synoecized communities. Obviously, the heroic cults of these former poleis commemorating the progenitors of their proper genealogy were now replaced by this new common cult in honour of old heroes and new royal founders of Demetrias.

  • 60 IG IX 2, 1099a, l. 1-11: “. . . [the performance of the sacrifice] . . . the magistr[a]tesmust prov (...)
  • 61  Meyer (1936), l. B1-6: “Since, the common [sacrifices for the archegetai and ktistai] are limited, (...)
  • 62 Kravaritou (forthcoming)
  • 63  Ibid.

30The ruler’s cult, being the best mode of post-classical religious expression among Greek communities, has surely left important traces on Demetrias’ ritual landscape. Thus, the cult scene described by the Glaphyrai degree delivers a prestigious ritual performed by more than one priests and a board of magistrates.60 However, the opisthographic degree of the demos of Iolkos, dated to the reign of Antigonus, claims restoration of the local heroes’ cults,61 and it was generally considered as proof of the local discontentment towards the Macedonian domination. As I have recently argued elsewhere,62 this hypothesis seems unlikely because it opposes the general structure and the language of the inscription, which attests Hellenistic negotiation patterns between poleis and Macedonian kings. Side A follows the euergetism model, praising the kings for their goodwill towards Iolkos’ ancestral cults, while side B negotiates with them – obviously during an internal lack of ‘resources’ – the financing of local rituals traditionally untertaken by the demos itself. Furthermore, as I have also proposed,63 in the time of the Iolkos inscription this royal cult included the two Macedonian kings, Antigonus and Demetrius together. This is indicated by the fact that both kings are praised together in the honorary decree of side A, while side B relates to the sacrifices for the ‘archegetai and ktistai’. Also the term ktistai is used in plural form indicating cult for more than one founder; finally, although Demetrius Poliorketes founded the synoecism of Demetrias, the study of the urban development of the city indicated that the long peaceful reign of Antigonos Gonatas was instrumental for the dynamic development of the city and its public and private sectors. In this respect, it would be appropriate for Demetrias to bestow honours upon both kings. Moreover, almost fifty years later, a statue base for Antigonus Doson and Philip V attests the dynamic development of the royal cult in Demetrias (Table 2, 1).

  • 64  Trümpy (1997), p. 266-267.
  • 65  Hatzopoulos (1996), p. 163-164.

31Furthermore, the royal polity over the annual religious year of Demetrias included reform of the calendar month names. A new calendar with twelve months named after the twelve Gods, known also from other Macedonian royal foundations, was introduced in Demetrias.64 Hatzopoulos assigned it to the Platonic influence exercised in the Macedonian court.65 Since month names relate to festivals in honor of divinities acting in the local legendary past, calendars were always a vehicle of historical remembrance and collective identity; thus, by introducing theophoric month names, the normal course of local collective memory was strongly deviated.

  • 66 Cf. Hatzopoulos (2006), p. 54-55.

32Also, more innovations in cultic life are also attested. A sanctuary excavated by Arvanitopoulos in the eastern sector of the city was identified with the Thesmophorion, mainly due to a third-century inscription attesting repair-work “on the sanctuary of Demeter, Kore and Plouton, where the Thesmophorion stood in the past” (Table 2, 32). Also, votive deposits outside the southern gates of the polis’ fortification attest to the presence of the cult of Pasikrata, related to Artemis Hecate, Ennodia and Aphrodite (Table 2, 50-51). All these feminine deities share an abundant votive record that is currently, in its major part, unpublished. Future studies will demonstrate if eventually some of these votive objects were dedicated to those divinities in order to commemorate the end of the period of girls’ service in the sanctuaries of feminine deities’, as it happens with their counterparts in Macedonia and even elsewhere in Thessaly, already from the Classical period.66

3.4. Foreign cults

  • 67  Arvanitopoulos (1916), p. 31.
  • 68  Decourt, Tziafalias (2007).

33Close to the Thesmophorion stands another building tentatively identified with the Metroon of the city, the official cult seat of the Phrygian goddess Cybele (Table 2, 29-30),while Arvanitopoulos reports the presence of a ‘small temple of Cybele’ at Pagasai (Table 2, 31).67 Also, the cosmopolitan landscape of Demetrias hosted many Egyptian divinities; their official cult seat, the Serapieion, is currently unlocated (Table 2, 49, 54-56).68 Their cults survived down to the Roman period. The presence of an Egyptian priest of Isis and a Phoenician one (Table 2, 36, 47) indicate that – in a multicultural political environment – priesthood in foreign cults was equally undertaken by foreigners. In addition, in Roman times, there is evidence for the cult of the Syrian goddess Atargatis (Table 2, 25), while A. Arvanitopoulos reported also an intra-muros sanctuary of Harpokrates (Table 2, 38).

4. The Magnesian Koinon: cults and politics

  • 69  Intzesiloglou (1996).
  • 70 IG IX.2 1101; 1102; 1103; IG IX.2 1108; 1133; SEG 12, 306 (poleis). SEG 3, 405; IG IX.2 1109, l. 2- (...)

34After the Flamininian intervention in the Greek affairs, Macedonians left Demetrias which received a Roman garrison until 191, when the city became the capital of the first Magnesian Koinon. Macedonians returned briefly in 191, before releasing permanent control to the second Koinon and to the Romans, after the battle of Pydna.69 Thus, after the Macedonians, the political landscape is reformed once again, since independent communities, called poleis, as well as various demotic names,70 are now epigraphically attested. Naturally, another restructuring of the religious life followed the new socio-political landscape.

35Besides the cults of foreign divinities that survived down to the Roman period (Table 2, 56), old Poliadic cults (Aphrodite Neleia, Artemis Pagaseitis, etc.) revive in a nostalgic atmosphere for the traditional cults of the region (Table 2, 2-3, 7, 17). In that context, the old Artemis Iolkia, Zeus Akraios and Apollon Koropaios now become the tutelary deities of the Koinon (Table 2, 6, 15-16, 59-60), while Zeus Akraios, Chiron and the Argo-ship are depicted on its coins (Table 2, 27, 61). Priestly authorities of the tutelary cults are seated in Demetrias, while yearly processions to the extra-urban sanctuaries of Akraios and Koropaios at the extremities of the chora of Demetrias, point to the necessity for symbolic demarcation of the limitrophe areas, just before the final decline and dwindling of the polis.

36Furthermore, during the 1st cent., the cult of the ruling powers in Demetrias finds other destinators: the powerful and divine Roman emperors, who – besides the old poliadic deities – receive the interest and the honours of the Magnesian Koinon (Table 2, 64-72). “Gaius Julius Cesar Emperor God” and “God, son of God, Titus Cesar, New Apollo, Benefactor” are some of the Emperors who joined the divine sphere and received honors in Demetrias. A votive inscription to the “Olympian Gods and Major Savior Emperor Lucius Septimus Sevirus Pertinakis” testifies the inclusion of the imperial cult in the sphere of the cult of the Olympian Gods. Honorific statues and votive inscriptions were also erected in honor of other emperors, who probably enjoyed themselves the same divine status, at least until the coming of the Christian God.

Conclusion

  • 71  On multiculturalism and the sacred space in Demetrias, see Kravaritou (in preparation).
  • 72  Personal communication with Maria Stamatopoulou; cf. Stamatopoulou (in preparation).

37This preliminary study of the religious interface of Hellenistic Demetrias strongly indicates re-organization of the local cult activities after the establish­ment of the local synoecism. The inevitable presence of Macedonian cults – including cult of the ruling powers – seals the political identity of this basileion, which in addition used a new calendar of month-names, proper to other royal foundations. However, an overview of the available archaeological evidence demonstrates that at least some of the cults of the old local “Thessalian backround” were incorporated into the new polis. In detail, the presence of the prominent Iolkian Artemis in the agora of Demetrias suggests a certain re-appraisal of old motifs by the polis royal administration. Also, the presence of Hermes Chthonios on the funerary stelai attests that this re-appraisal operated also on a wide popular basis; and, surely, on a multicultural one,71 since Hermes is depicted on funerary stelai belonging also to foreigners.72 This fact, along with the presence of the organised cult of foreign deities, point out that, besides a synoecism of old Thessalian communities and a Macedonian seat, Demetrias was during the Hellenistic period a cosmopolitan city and an international harbor. In Roman times, the emotional bewilderment of Greek reality in front of new political powers reflects on the religious attitude of the Magnesian Koinon, wavering between traditional deities and divinized Emperors.

Catalogue of Cults

  • 73 Hesiod, Aspis, 70.
  • 74 Mazarakis (2009), p. 278; (2011), p. 148-167.
  • 75 Mazarakis (2009), p. 273-278; ibid.
  • 76  Liampi (2005), p. 30-35, plate 3 (3).
  • 77  Milojcic (1974), p. 74. Cf. Mazarakis (2009), p. 273, n. 33.
  • 78  Milojcic (1974), p. 65.
  • 79  Papachatzis (1960), fig. 6.
  • 80 IG IX 2, 1202.
  • 81  Papachatzis (1960), p. 4-14.
  • 82 IG IX 2, 1203.
  • 83  Rogers (1932), 535-536. Helly (2004), pl. 3, 19-21.
  • 84  Arvanitopoulos (1909a), p. 157-158.
  • 85  Liampi (2005), p. 23-30, pl. 3 (1-2).
  • 86  Wace, Droop (1906-1907). Adrimi-Sismani (1996).
  • 87  Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica II, 7.
  • 88  Liapis (2004), p. 96.
  • 89  Rogers (1932), 389. Helly (2004), pl. 3, 17.
  • 90  Rogers (1932), 212-213. Helly (2004), pl. 3, 23-24.
  • 91 Theopompus in Scholia in Hom. Il. XXIV, 428.
  • 92  Arvanitopoulos (1915), p. 182-183
  • 93  IG IX 2, 358.
  • 94  Arvanitopoulos (1915), p. 159.
  • 95 Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 300-301; Intzesiloglou (1999), p. 405; also in Ethnos, 7.9. 2007.
  • 96  Arvanitopoulos (1915), p. 161-162.
  • 97  Arvanitopoulos (1909a), p. 164.
  • 98  Arvanitopoulos (1909b), p. 364.
  • 99  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 284-285.
  • 100  Rogers (1932), 210, 211a, 391-393. Helly 2004, pl. 1-2.
  • 101  Rogers (1932), 257-260. Helly (2004), pl. 4.
  • 102 Cf. l.c. (n. 73).
  • 103 Giannopoulos (1933), p. 4, 12.
  • 104 Intzesiloglou (2000), tabl. 80-81.
  • 105 SEG 37, 491
  • 106  Arvanitopoulos (1909b), p. 300-301.
  • 107  Giannopoulos (1932), p. 19, 2-4
  • 108  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 284-285.
  • 109  Rogers (1932), nos. 357-358; Helly (2004), pl. 3, 18.
  • 110  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 305-315.
  • 111  Herakleides, in Pseudo-Dichaearchus 2,8 (GGM I, 107, ed. Μüller).
  • 112 SEG 41, 533.
  • 113 IG IX 2, 1222.

Table 1. Archaic-Classical period

Cult

Evidence

Date

Site

1.

Apollo Pagasaios73

Altar

Archaic

Pagasai

2.

Apollo Pagasaios?74

Suburban sanctuary.

Votive objects

Archaic

Soros (ancient Amphanai? Pagasai?)

3.

id.75

id.

Classical

id.

4.

Apollo Pagasaios76

Coins

4th cent.

Pagasai (legend ΠΑΓΑΣΑΙΩΝ)

5.

Apollo?77

Votive column

5th cent.

id.

6.

Apollo78

Votive base

4th cent.

id.

7.

Apollo Koropaios?79

Architectural material

Archaic

Korope (ancient Korope?)

8.

id.80

“Sacred law”

6th cent.

id.

9.

Apollo Koropaios81

Architectural material and finds

Classical

id.

10.

id.82

“Sacred law”

5th cent.

id.

11.

Artemis83

Head on coins

id.

Rhizous

12.

Artemis Iolkia?84

Sanctuary

Geometric

Palia/Kastro of Volos (ancient Iolkos?)

13.

id.

id.

Archaic

id.

14.

id.

id.

Classical

id.

15.

Artemis Iolkia85

Head of Artemis on coins

4th cent.

Iolkos(legend ΙΩΛΚΕΩΝ)

16.

Artemis Tisaia?86

Poros architectural material

and finds

Archaic

Near Palaiokastro at Theotokou (ancient Sepias?)

17.

id.

id.

Classical

id.

18.

Artemis Tisaia87

Temple

Roman reference

Coastal Pelion, opposite Skiathos

19.

Asclepios88

Stone relief

Classical?

Palaiokastro at Theotokou (Ancient Sepias?)

20.

Dionysos89

Coins

400-344

Meliboia

21.

id.90

id.

id.

Eyrymenai

22.

Dionysos Pelekys91

Festival

4th cent.

Pagasai

23.

Ennodia / prothyraia divinity?92

Altar? Exedra? Cavities for stelai’s bases

Classical

Bourboulithra, on the road to Pherai

24.

Ennodia Patroa93

Stone stele with votive inscription

4th cent.

Beneath Demetrias (Ancient Pagasai?)

25.

Hera94

Boundary stele

Archaic

Aibaliotika (ancient Pagasai?)

26.

Heracles95

Architectural material (altar) and votive deposits

id.

Spartias (on the ancient road to Pherai)

27.

id.

id.

Classical

id.

28.

Heracles?96

Shrine and finds

4th/3rd cent.

North of Demetrias’ theater

29.

Hermes97

Votive base

5th cent.

Soros’ region (Ancient Amphanai?)

30.

Hermes Chthonios98

Funerary stele

Late Classical / Early Hellenistic

Beneath Demetrias (Classical Pagasai?)

31.

Nymphs99

Votive stelai, pottery, terracotta figurines, bronze jewellery

Late Classical / Early Hellenistic

Mount Ossa

32.

Nymphs or Maenads100

Coins

400-344

Eyreai and Meliboia

33.

Philoctetes101

Head of Ph. depicted on coins

350 or earlier

Homolion

34.

Poseidon?102

Votive

5th cent.

Soros (ancient Amphanai? Pagasai?)

35.

id.103

Votive stele

5th cent.

Aligarorema (ancient Pagasai?)

36.

id.104

id.

id.

Walled in the Monastery of Saint Demetrius (Stomion. Mount Ossa)

37.

Themis105

Sacred property

Classical

Kokkino Nero (ancient Eyrymenai?)

38.

Themis Agoraia106

Votive stele

id.

Chorto (ancient Spalauthra?)

39.

Twelve Gods107

Marble Dodekatheon (Apollo, Poseidon and Athena)

5th cent.

Polydendri (ancient Meliboia? Eureai?)

40.

Zeus108

Temple and pottery

Classical

Laspochori on Mount Ossa (ancient Homolion? Eyrymenai?)

41.

id.109

Coins

4th cent.

Rhizous

42.

Zeus Akraios110

Sanctuary, inscriptions, pottery, finds

Classical

Summit of Mount Pelion

43.

Zeus Akraios and Chiron111

Sanctuary, precinct/cave

4th cent.

id.

44

Zeus Milichios112

Cave.Votive inscription

4th/3rd cent.

Goritsa (Ancient Methone?)

45.

“Sacred law”113

5th cent.

Palaiotrikery (Ancient Kikynethos)

  • 114 SEG 22, 308.
  • 115 IG IX 2, 1125.
  • 116  Wace (1906), p. 168.
  • 117  Papachatzis (1960), p. 3-24
  • 118  IG IX 2, 1109a
  • 119 IG IX 2, 1110; 1202.
  • 120 IG IX 2, 1204
  • 121 IG IX 2, 1099 a-c. Meyer (1936), p. 367-376.
  • 122  Marzolff (1987), p. 1-47.
  • 123  Mitropoulou (1992).
  • 124  Chrysostomou (1998), p. 191-192.
  • 125 SEG 48, 658.
  • 126 IG V 2, 367. Batziou (2002), p. 29-30.
  • 127  Sear (1978), p. 201, 207.
  • 128 IG IX.2, 1109.
  • 129 IG IX 2, 1122.
  • 130 IG IX 2, 1123
  • 131 IG IX 2, 1111
  • 132 IG IX 2, 1126
  • 133  Theocharis, Chourmouziadis (1968), p. 269.
  • 134  Rogers (1932), 354, fig. 177-178.
  • 135 Mitropoulou (1994), 488, fig. 2.
  • 136 Rogers (1932), no. 355a-b, fig. 180.
  • 137 IG IX 2, 1124
  • 138 SEG 26, 646.
  • 139 SEG 37, 461.
  • 140 Moustaka (1983), no. 20, fig. 6.
  • 141 Cf. o.c. (n. 107).
  • 142  Batziou (2002), p. 30-32, fig. 33-36.
  • 143  Batziou (2002), p. 30-32, fig. 33-36, 38. Hornung-Bertemes (2007), p. 82-84.
  • 144  Arvanitopoulos (1916), p. 31. This material, still unpublished, has been recently identified at th (...)
  • 145  Arvanitopoulos (1929), p. 32, no. 420.
  • 146 IG IX 2, 411.
  • 147 IG IX 2, 1198.
  • 148 Mc Devitt (1970), 679.
  • 149 SEG 25, 681.
  • 150  Chrysostomou (1998), fig. 21a-b.
  • 151  Arvanitopoulos (1915), p. 160-161.
  • 152  Unpublished (Museum of Volos).
  • 153 IG IX 2, 359a.
  • 154 IG IX 2, 1210.
  • 155 IG IX 2, 1217.
  • 156  Intzesiloglou (2006), p. 67-77.
  • 157  Batziou (2002), p. 43, fig. 54-55.
  • 158  Ibid, p. 36.
  • 159  Skafida, Traiantafyllopoulou (forthcoming).
  • 160  Stamatopoulou (2008).
  • 161 SEG 43,525.
  • 162 IG IX 2, 360.
  • 163 SEG 3, 481-2.
  • 164 SEG 3, 483.
  • 165  Papachatzis (1958), p. 62.
  • 166  IG IX 2, 1099a; 1168-1170; 1192.
  • 167 IG IX 2, 1107b; 1101.
  • 168 IG IX 2, 1107b; 1133.
  • 169 Mc Devitt (1970), p. 97, 713.
  • 170 IG IX 2, 1211.
  • 171  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 305-315.
  • 172 IG IX 2, 1110.
  • 173 IG IX 2 1103; 1105 II; 1108-1110.
  • 174  Wace (1906), p. 155-156, fig. 12.
  • 175 SEG 37, 460.
  • 176  Mitropoulou (1984), p. 93-95, fig. 1.
  • 177 SEG 14, 474.
  • 178 SEG 23, 449.
  • 179 SEG 23, 450.
  • 180 SEG 25, 680.
  • 181 IG IX 2, 1137.
  • 182 IG IX 2, 1136.
  • 183 IG IX 2, 1138.
  • 184 SEG 37, 462.
  • 185 SEG 37, 463.

Table 2. Hellenistic-Roman period

Cult

Evidence

Date

Site

1.

Antigonus Doson and Philip V114

Votive base

227-221

Demetrias

2.

Aphrodite Neleia115

Votive stele (priestess)

2nd cent.

id.

3.

Aphrodite Neleia116

Coins of the Magnesian Koinon

Imperial

id.

4.

Apollo Koropaios?117

Finds nearby archaic architectural elements

Hellenistic

Korope (Ancient Korope ?)

5.

Apollo Koropaios118

Decree on the function of the oracle

2nd cent.

id.

6.

id.119

Public decrees

2nd cent.

Demetrias

7.

Apollo Koropeites120

Votive stele

Roman

Korope (Ancient Korope?)

8.

Archegetai and ktistai121

Public resolutions

3rd cent.

Iolkos, Glaphyrai? (komai(?) of Demetrias)

9.

id.122

Heroon/Mausoleum?

4th/3rd cent.?

Demetrias. Hill 84

10.

Artemis123

Marble statuettes

Hellenistic

Museum of Volos

11.

Artemis Ennodia124

id.

id.

Demetrias

12.

Artemis Ennodia125

Stone altar with votive inscription

id.

id.

13.

Artemis Iolkia126

Temple

id.

Demetrias. Agora.

14.

id.127

Head on coins

3rd cent.

Demetrias (legend ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΕΩΝ)

15.

id.128

Public decrees

2nd cent.

id.

16.

id.129

(Priestess)

id.

id.

17.

Artemis Pagasitis130

Votive stele

id.

id.

18.

Artemis Soteira131

Sanctuary in the agora of Spalauthra

130-126

Chorto (Ancient Spalauthra?)

19.

Asclepios132

Public decree

Hellenistic

Demetrias

20.

id.133

Votive stele (priest)

id.

id.

21.

id.134

Head on coins

197/146

id.

22.

id.135

Small votive altar

Roman

id.

23.

id.136

Coins of the Magnesian Koinon

46-27

id.

24.

Asclepios and Hygeia137

Votive stele

Roman

id.

25.

Atargates138

Votive relief (priestess)

3rd/4th cent. AD

id.

26.

Athena139

Priestess

Late Hellenistic / Early Roman

id.

27.

Chiron140

Coin of the Magnesian Koinon

196-194

id.

28.

Chiron and Zeus Akraios141

Cave of Chiron and sanctuary of Zeus Akraios

3rd cent.

Summit of Mount Pelion

29.

Cybele?142

Metroon?

Last quarter of 3rd-1st quarter of 2nd cent.

Demetrias

30.

Cybele, Aphrodite Epitragia, Ennodia, Hecate and Zeus Milichius143

Clay figurines

Hellenistic

id.

31

Cybele?144

‘Small temple’ and clay figurines

Hellenistic?

id.

32.

Demeter, Kore, Plouton145

Public decree (Thesmophorion and temenos of Demeter)

Late 3rd cent.

id.

33.

Dionysos146

Votive

3rd cent.

Kaprena (Ancient Glaphyrai?)

34.

id.147

id.

Hellenistic?

Palaiokastro at Lechonia (Ancient Methone?)

35.

id.148

Priest

2nd cent.

Polydendri (Ancient Meliboia? Eureai?)

36.

Egyptian divinities

Funerary steleof priest Asklapiadasof Sidon149

3rd cent.

Demetrias

37.

Ennodia? Hecate?150

Hekataion

Hellenistic

id.

38.

Harpocrates?151

Sanctuary?

Hellenistic

id.

39.

Hera152

Small votive altar

Roman

id.

40.

Heracles153

Votive stele

3rd-2nd cent.

id.

41.

id.154

id.

Hellenistic?

Chorto (Ancient Spalauthra?)

42.

id.155

id.

1st/1st cent. AD

Palaiokastro of Argalaste (Ancient Olizon?)

43.

Heracles Kynagidas156

Edict of Philip V

221-179

Demetrias

44.

Hermes Chthonios157

Painted herms on funerary stelai

Hellenistic

Demetrias

45.

Household cults158

Incense burners, clay figurines of gods

id.

id.

46.

id.159

Bronze incense burners, bronze figurines of Gods (Poseidon, Athena, etc)

Roman

id.

47.

Isis160

Priest

3rd cent.

id.

48.

id.161

Graffito

Hellenistic

id.

49.

Isis, Serapis, Anubis162

Votive inscription

id.

Pagasai

50.

Pasikrata163

Votive altars, marble head, clay figurines, lamps, etc.

3rd / 2nd cent.

Demetrias. Outside the southern fortification gate.

51.

id.164

Priestess

id.

Demetrias

52.

Pasikrata165

Roman

id.

53.

Private heroization166

Totenmahl reliefs, etc

Hellenistic

id.

54.

Serapis167

Serapieion

2nd cent.

id.

55.

id.168

Priests

id.

Makrynitsa

56.

Sarapis and Isis169

Votive inscription

Roman

Demetrias

57.

Zeus?170

Votive relief with winged thunderbold

Late Hellenistic?

Chorto (ancient Spalauthra?)

58.

Zeus Akraios171

Architectural elements and miscellaneous finds.

Hellenistic

Summit of Mount Pelion

59.

id.172

Cult regulation

2nd /1st cent.

Korope. (Ancient Korope ?)

60.

id.173

Public decrees (priest)

2nd cent.

Demetrias

61.

Zeus Akraios174

Head on coins

Imperial

id.

62.

Zeus Milichios175

Votive

2nd cent.

id.

63.

Zeus Sabazios176

Votive relief

Roman

Trikeri

Roman Imperial cult

64.

Julius Cesar177

Honorific statue

48

Demetrias

65.

Tiverius178

id.

1-50 AD

id.

66.

Titus Cesar179

id. (honored by the Magnetes)

71-81 AD

id.

67.

Olympian Gods and Lucius Septimus Sevirus180

Votive altar

Late 2nd cent. AD

id.

68.

id.181

Honorific statue

193-211 AD

id.

69.

Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus182

id.

212-217 AD

id.

70.

“Major and Pius Master Cesar Marcus Aurelius Karus”183

id.

282 AD

id.

71.

“Emperor … Pius …. Sermatikos”184

id.

308-324 AD

id.

72.

Sebastoi185

Stele (Priests)

Late Imperial

id.

Haut de page

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Notes

*  I am indebted to the anonymous referee for very constructive criticism. Professor Robert Parker read and commented upon an earlier draft; Dr. Maria Stamatopoulou generously provided comments on the final draft; also Dr. Miltiades Hatzopoulos brought to my attention Demetrius’ royal letter and kindly read the final draft. I am grateful to all of them. All errors are due to the author. All dates are BC, unless otherwise indicated.

1  Schnapp (1999), p. 34.

2 On early synoecisms: Gabrielsen (2000), p. 177-206; Reger (2001), p. 157-181; Hansen (2004), p. 115-119. For post-classical evidence: Cohen (1995), passim; Reger (2004), p. 145-180.

3 Nilsson (1951), p. 18-25.

4 Parker (2009), p. 183.

5 Syll.³, 1024; cf. Reger (2001), p. 157-181. Parker (2009), p. 188.

6 IG XII 1, 761, l. 38-43; Parker (2009), p. 205-210.

7  Gabrielsen (2000), p. 177-206.

8 Cf. Parker (2009), p. 189-190.

9 SEG 37, 340; Thür, Tauber (1994), 9 (Translation: Parker [2009], p. 199).

10 IG IX 1, 32. Cf. Parker (2009), p. 201-202.

11  Parker (2009), p. 183-214.

12  Cohen (1995); Ma (1999), p. 106-179; Reger (2004), p. 732-793.

13 Welles (1934); Hatzopoulos (2006), p. 82-92.

14  Syll.³ 344, 1-4; SEG 15, 717, 1-4; Welles (1934), nos. 3-4; Parker (2009), p. 200.

15 SEG 39, 1283. Cf. Ma (1999), p. 284-285.

16  Welles (1934), no. 29.

17 IG X 2, 1, 3 (diagramma); cf. Hatzopoulos (1996), no. 15. Intzesiloglou (2006), p. 67-77 (royal letter).

18  Hansen (2004), 115-119. Cf. Reger (2004), p. 148-149; Parker (2009), p. 187.

19 Cf. Cohen (1995), p. 109-120; Helly (2009), p. 342-344.

20  Helly (1993), p. 167-200.

21 Cohen (1995), p. 111-114; Batziou-Efstathiou (2002).

22  Strabo, IX, 4, 15; IX, 5, 15; cf. Livy, XXXII, 37, 3; cf., Stählin, Meyer, Heidner (1934), p. 137-55; Batziou-Efstathiou (2002); Cohen (1995), p. 111-14.

23 SEG 15, 717, 1-4.

24  Pantermalis (1999), p. 57 (photo); cf. Hatzopoulos (1996), p. 401-403.

25  Hatzopoulos (2006), p. 88-89 and pl. XIVa (with French translation adapted here); cf. Bull. Epigr. (2000), p. 453, 5.

26 Decourt, Nielsen, Helly et al. (2004), p. 704.

27  Bakhuizen (1987), p. 321; Helly (2006), esp. p. 146-147.

28 Helly (2006), esp. p. 158-163.

29 Herodotus, V, 94.

30 Theopompus, 115 F 53 (ed. Jacoby); Demosthenes, Olynth. I, 12, 22.

31 Pseudo-Skylax, Periplous, 65.

32 Liampi (2005), p. 23-40.

33 Cf. Helly (2006), p. 155-158.

34 Demosthenes, I, 22.

35  Strabo, IX, 5, 15.

36  Plutarch, Demosthenes, 53, 7.

37  Pseudo-Skylax, 65: “Magnesians constitute an ethnos living close to the sea, while their poleis include Iolkos, Methone, Korakai, Spalauthra, Olizon, the port of Issai; outside of the Pagasetic Gulf are located Meliboia, Rhizous, Eyrymenai, Myrai”. Plinius, Natural History IV, 9, 16: “Magnesia’s poleis are Iolkos, Ormenium, Pyrrha, Methone and Olizon with the promontory of Sepias. We then come to the poleis of Meliboea, Rhizus and Erymnae; the mouth of Peneus, the polis of Homolium…”.

38  For example, Wace (1906); Bakhuizen (1992); Intzesiloglou (1994), p. 31-56; Helly (2004), p. 101-124; Helly (2006), p. 145-169.

39  Batziou-Efstathiou (2002).

40 Strabo, IX, 5, 15.

41 Cf. Intzesiloglou (1996), p. 91-109; on komai in Macedonia, Hatzopoulos (1996), p. 120-121.

42  Hansen (2004), p. 115-119; Reger (2004), p. 145-180.

43 Cf. Kravaritou (forthcoming).

44 IG IX 2, 1101; 1107a-b (found 20 km from Demetrias).

45 Cf. Stamatopoulou (2004-2009).

46 Malakasioti (1998), p. 419-422.

47  Bakhuizen (1992); cf. Helly (2006).

48  Stählin, Meyer, Heidner (1934).

49  Avagianou (2002).

50  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 301-303.

51 For ex. Meliboia; cf. Tziaphalias, Intzesiloglou, Helly (2010).

52  Helly (2006), p. 146-163.

53  Wolters (1975), p. 86-87, n. 5 ; Stamatopoulou (1999), p. 153-162.

54  Chrysostomou (1998), p. 187-230.

55 Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica I, 570-572; III, 312.

56 IG IX 2, 1109a.

57  Strabo, IX, 4, 15.

58  Hatzopoulos (1994), p. 102-111.

59 Batziou-Efstathiou and Pikoulas (2006), p. 79-89.

60 IG IX 2, 1099a, l. 1-11: “. . . [the performance of the sacrifice] . . . the magistr[a]tesmust provide for . . . the [ex]pense [for] the [o]x must be [p]aid by th[e] tr[ea]surer [and] by hi[m] who is in [charge] of [ …..] [and] [th]e sacrifice [must be placed under the supervision of the priests and of those being at the public records, while the magistrates will be in charge of th[e] banquet” (Translation: author).

61  Meyer (1936), l. B1-6: “Since, the common [sacrifices for the archegetai and ktistai] are limited, [and no other] sacrifices are performed, [the demos of the Iolkians] shall sacrifice according to the ancestral customs, [to the arche]getai and ktistai [of the demos, so as not to be, from them, any] wrath [towards the city for neglecting] the heroes, …” (Translation: author)

62 Kravaritou (forthcoming)

63  Ibid.

64  Trümpy (1997), p. 266-267.

65  Hatzopoulos (1996), p. 163-164.

66 Cf. Hatzopoulos (2006), p. 54-55.

67  Arvanitopoulos (1916), p. 31.

68  Decourt, Tziafalias (2007).

69  Intzesiloglou (1996).

70 IG IX.2 1101; 1102; 1103; IG IX.2 1108; 1133; SEG 12, 306 (poleis). SEG 3, 405; IG IX.2 1109, l. 2-8; SEG XXXIV 553 (demotika: Iolkios, Glaphyreus, Spalathreus, Aeoleus, Pagasites, Koropaios, Demetrieus).

71  On multiculturalism and the sacred space in Demetrias, see Kravaritou (in preparation).

72  Personal communication with Maria Stamatopoulou; cf. Stamatopoulou (in preparation).

73 Hesiod, Aspis, 70.

74 Mazarakis (2009), p. 278; (2011), p. 148-167.

75 Mazarakis (2009), p. 273-278; ibid.

76  Liampi (2005), p. 30-35, plate 3 (3).

77  Milojcic (1974), p. 74. Cf. Mazarakis (2009), p. 273, n. 33.

78  Milojcic (1974), p. 65.

79  Papachatzis (1960), fig. 6.

80 IG IX 2, 1202.

81  Papachatzis (1960), p. 4-14.

82 IG IX 2, 1203.

83  Rogers (1932), 535-536. Helly (2004), pl. 3, 19-21.

84  Arvanitopoulos (1909a), p. 157-158.

85  Liampi (2005), p. 23-30, pl. 3 (1-2).

86  Wace, Droop (1906-1907). Adrimi-Sismani (1996).

87  Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica II, 7.

88  Liapis (2004), p. 96.

89  Rogers (1932), 389. Helly (2004), pl. 3, 17.

90  Rogers (1932), 212-213. Helly (2004), pl. 3, 23-24.

91 Theopompus in Scholia in Hom. Il. XXIV, 428.

92  Arvanitopoulos (1915), p. 182-183

93  IG IX 2, 358.

94  Arvanitopoulos (1915), p. 159.

95 Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 300-301; Intzesiloglou (1999), p. 405; also in Ethnos, 7.9. 2007.

96  Arvanitopoulos (1915), p. 161-162.

97  Arvanitopoulos (1909a), p. 164.

98  Arvanitopoulos (1909b), p. 364.

99  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 284-285.

100  Rogers (1932), 210, 211a, 391-393. Helly 2004, pl. 1-2.

101  Rogers (1932), 257-260. Helly (2004), pl. 4.

102 Cf. l.c. (n. 73).

103 Giannopoulos (1933), p. 4, 12.

104 Intzesiloglou (2000), tabl. 80-81.

105 SEG 37, 491

106  Arvanitopoulos (1909b), p. 300-301.

107  Giannopoulos (1932), p. 19, 2-4

108  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 284-285.

109  Rogers (1932), nos. 357-358; Helly (2004), pl. 3, 18.

110  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 305-315.

111  Herakleides, in Pseudo-Dichaearchus 2,8 (GGM I, 107, ed. Μüller).

112 SEG 41, 533.

113 IG IX 2, 1222.

114 SEG 22, 308.

115 IG IX 2, 1125.

116  Wace (1906), p. 168.

117  Papachatzis (1960), p. 3-24

118  IG IX 2, 1109a

119 IG IX 2, 1110; 1202.

120 IG IX 2, 1204

121 IG IX 2, 1099 a-c. Meyer (1936), p. 367-376.

122  Marzolff (1987), p. 1-47.

123  Mitropoulou (1992).

124  Chrysostomou (1998), p. 191-192.

125 SEG 48, 658.

126 IG V 2, 367. Batziou (2002), p. 29-30.

127  Sear (1978), p. 201, 207.

128 IG IX.2, 1109.

129 IG IX 2, 1122.

130 IG IX 2, 1123

131 IG IX 2, 1111

132 IG IX 2, 1126

133  Theocharis, Chourmouziadis (1968), p. 269.

134  Rogers (1932), 354, fig. 177-178.

135 Mitropoulou (1994), 488, fig. 2.

136 Rogers (1932), no. 355a-b, fig. 180.

137 IG IX 2, 1124

138 SEG 26, 646.

139 SEG 37, 461.

140 Moustaka (1983), no. 20, fig. 6.

141 Cf. o.c. (n. 107).

142  Batziou (2002), p. 30-32, fig. 33-36.

143  Batziou (2002), p. 30-32, fig. 33-36, 38. Hornung-Bertemes (2007), p. 82-84.

144  Arvanitopoulos (1916), p. 31. This material, still unpublished, has been recently identified at the National Museum of Athens and is under publication by Maria Stamatopoulou, whom I thank for this personal communication.

145  Arvanitopoulos (1929), p. 32, no. 420.

146 IG IX 2, 411.

147 IG IX 2, 1198.

148 Mc Devitt (1970), 679.

149 SEG 25, 681.

150  Chrysostomou (1998), fig. 21a-b.

151  Arvanitopoulos (1915), p. 160-161.

152  Unpublished (Museum of Volos).

153 IG IX 2, 359a.

154 IG IX 2, 1210.

155 IG IX 2, 1217.

156  Intzesiloglou (2006), p. 67-77.

157  Batziou (2002), p. 43, fig. 54-55.

158  Ibid, p. 36.

159  Skafida, Traiantafyllopoulou (forthcoming).

160  Stamatopoulou (2008).

161 SEG 43,525.

162 IG IX 2, 360.

163 SEG 3, 481-2.

164 SEG 3, 483.

165  Papachatzis (1958), p. 62.

166  IG IX 2, 1099a; 1168-1170; 1192.

167 IG IX 2, 1107b; 1101.

168 IG IX 2, 1107b; 1133.

169 Mc Devitt (1970), p. 97, 713.

170 IG IX 2, 1211.

171  Arvanitopoulos (1911a), p. 305-315.

172 IG IX 2, 1110.

173 IG IX 2 1103; 1105 II; 1108-1110.

174  Wace (1906), p. 155-156, fig. 12.

175 SEG 37, 460.

176  Mitropoulou (1984), p. 93-95, fig. 1.

177 SEG 14, 474.

178 SEG 23, 449.

179 SEG 23, 450.

180 SEG 25, 680.

181 IG IX 2, 1137.

182 IG IX 2, 1136.

183 IG IX 2, 1138.

184 SEG 37, 462.

185 SEG 37, 463.

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Sofia Kravaritou

Archaeological Institute for Thessalian Studies
Gamveta, 74-76
GR-382 21 Volos

skravaritou@gmail.com

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