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Notes
I am most grateful to Prof. Robert Parker for helpful comments on an earlier version of this article.
Rudhardt (1992² [1958]), Casabona (1966).
See Rouse (1902), Beer (1914), Van Straten (1981), p. 92-93, Parker (2004), p. 275.
E.g. Eur., Andr., 149-150 (οὐ τῶν Ἀχιλλέως οὐδὲ Πηλέως ἀπὸ δόμων ἀπαρχάς), Pl., Prt., 343b (ἀπαρχὴ σοφίας), Diod. Sic., IX, 10, 1 (ἀπαρχαὶ τῆς ἰδίας συνέσεως), Plut., Cim., 10, 7 (καρπῶν ἑτοίμων ἀπαρχάς).
Hom., Od. ΙΙΙ, 446; ΧΙV, 422.
Theophr., Piet., fr. 2, 26-28 Pötscher = Porph., Abst. II, 6,1 thus explains why barley grains were sprinkled in preliminary sacrificial rites: τοῦ δὲ Δημητρίου καρποῦ μετὰ τὸν χέδροπα πρώτου φανέντος κριθῶν, ταύταις ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς μὲν οὐλοχυτεῖτο κατὰ τὰς πρώτας θυσίας τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος.
Hom., Od. II, 443-465.
Hom., Od. XIV, 414-424.
Hom., Il. XIX, 252-255.
Cf. Hom., Il. III, 273-274, an oath sacrifice where the hair was portioned out to the participants but not burnt; here the practice of cutting the hair of the animal is still attested although the term aparchesthai is not used. Kirk (1985-93), vol. 5, p. 265, suggests that the hair in Hom., Il. XIX, 252ff might have been treated in the same way as in Hom., Il. III, 273-274. On Hom., Il. III, 273-274, see commentary in Leaf (1900-02), vol. 1, p. 139, Kirk (1985-93), vol.1, p. 303-304. But Kirk goes on to say that ‘if there is a fire, then burning the ritual hairs is an obvious means of disposing of them, and that might sometime have been regarded as an additional symbolic offering to the gods’.
Hom., Od. XIV, 427-429.
On the word omothetein, see LSJ s.v. ὠμοθετέω, Lupu (2003), p. 74. Etymologically it is derived from ὠμός (raw) and τίθημι; but Eust., 134, 35 says that some derived the word from ὦμος (shoulder). In other Homeric sacrifices (e.g. Hom., Il. I, 461; II, 424; Od. III, 458; XII, 361) it expresses the act of laying the pieces of raw meat that have been cut off from the victim’s limbs on thigh bones wrapped in fat, but here the thigh bones are not mentioned. On the absence of thigh bones, an important anomaly which marks Eumaeus’ actions as unusual in Homeric and later sacrifices, see Meuli (1975), vol. 2, p. 937, n. 3, who suggested that pigs probably received special treatments different from those of other victims. This view is now supported by osteological evidence studied by Ekroth (2009), esp. p. 137-138, 143-146.
Hesch., s.v. ἄργματα; Etym. Magn., s.v. ἄργμα· Ἡ ἀπαρχή. Παρὰ τὸ ἄρχω, ἄργμα, ὡς παρὰ τὸ ἦρμαι, ἄρμα. Etym. Magn., s.v. ἀπάργματα: αἱ μεγάλαι ἀπαρχαὶ τῶν θυσιῶν τῶν τελείων. Παρὰ τὸ ἄρχω ἀπάρχω, ἄργμα καὶ ἄπαργμα. LSJ, s.v. ἄργμα· ἄργματα = ἀπάργματα.
Hom., Od. XIV, 435-436. I understand θῆκεν (τίθημι) as ‘set aside’ as most commentators do. But note that Petropoulou (1987), p. 141-143, argues at length against the translation of θῆκεν as ‘set aside’, suggesting instead ‘serve before’ or ‘serve up’ (παρατίθημι).
Hom., Od. XIV, 446-448.
Monro (1901), vol. 2, p. 40, Dawe (1993), think that they refer to the flesh of the limbs in line 428; but then the acts in 428 and 446 would seem to duplicate each other. Others think that the share in lines 435-436 is meant: e.g. Stanford (1958-9 [1947-8]), vol. 2, p. 234, Jameson (1949), p. 126-129, Casabona (1966), p. 70, 122, and Heubeck, West and Hainsworth (1988-92), vol. 2, p. 224-225. Gill (1974), p. 134, assumes that the portion in line 435 is placed at the house table at which Eumaeus and his guests are eating as a form of trapezomata but does not comment on the word argmata. Meuli (1975), vol. 2, p. 938, n. 3, disagreed with Stengel (1894)’s view that the seventh portion in lines 435-6 is meant, arguing that the argmata are the regular offerings cast in to the fire before a meal begins. Kadletz (1984) suggests that the argmata consist not of solid food but first drops of wine poured by Eumaeus as libation in line 447. Petropoulou (1987), esp. p. 138-139, argues that neither the share in line 428 nor 435 is meant, but bits of roasted meat taken from the portions already distributed by Eumaeus to his companions and himself, which serve as first offerings at meals in conformity with preliminary rituals before the consumption of daily meals. Two scholiasts B and Q on Hom., Od. XIV, 446 put it vaguely: ἄργματα θῦσε: τὰς ἀπαρχὰς τῶν μερίδων, ἢ τὰ ἀπομερισθέντα τοῖς θεοῖς.
LSJ, s.v. κατάρχω. II.2
Hom., Od. III, 444-446.
Confirmed by the interpretation of Stanford (1958-9 [1947-8]), vol. 1, p. 264-265.
E.g. LSAM 50, 23-25 (ἀπὸ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ἀπαρξάμενοι), Hdt., IV, 188 (τοῦ ὠτὸς ἀπάρξωνται τοῦ κτήνεος), Eur., El., 810-812 (the term aparchesthai is not used but the rite is attested).
On the usual treatment of the splanchna in Greek sacrifice, see e.g. Van Straten (1995), p. 131-133.
Hdt., IV, 61, 2.
LSCG 151D, 11-13, RO 62D, 11-13, IG ΧΙΙ 4, 275, 11-13. Some of the supplements in Herzog (1928), RO 62 and IG XII 4 are different; here I follow the supplements given in IG XII 4, but I have omitted those in lines 12-13 because of textual uncertainties.
Herzog (1928), p. 12-14, adopted in LSCG 151D, 12, RO 62D, 12, and IG XII 4, 275, 12. Herzog quoted 1) Stengel (1910) in support of this, to the neglect that Stengel’s article primarily concerned the phrase ἐπάρξασθαι δεπάεσσιν in Homer (see n. 78 below); and 2) Syll.3 323, 9 (= IG XII 9, 192; LSS 46) which has a reference to ἐπάρχεσθαι δὲ καὶ τοὺς χοροὺς, but the context is not sacrificial. Pirenne-Delforge (1996), p. 210-211 and n. 103: ‘j’ai préféré restituer κατα]ρξάμενοι et non ἐπα]ρ̣ξάμενοι. Car le premier évoque l’idée de préparation, ce qui permet également de voir apparaître le dépôt des entrailles sur la pierre. Le second évoquerait déjà une aspersion préliminaire quand rien n’indiquerait comment les entrailles sont arrivées là.’
On human hair-offering see Burkert (1985 [1977]),p.70, 374, n. 29, Leitao (2003).
Eur., El., 91. Instances where the term does not appear are e.g. Eur., IA, 1437; Eur., Supp., 97; Aesch., Cho., 168.
E.g. Hom., Il. XIII, 135-152.
E.g. Callim., Hymn 4, 296-299, Plut., Thes., 5, 1, Paus., I, 43, 4. There is no Classical usage of the word aparchesthai in adolescent hair-offering to my knowledge, but the practice is attested in Classical sources without using the term, e.g. Hdt., IV, 34, Eur., Hipp., 1425ff, Theophr., Char., 21, 3.
The ritual has been variously interpreted and there is no authoritative explanation: e.g. Pearson (1909), p. 190 on Eur., Phoen., 1524-1525: ‘an act of symbolism, by which the survivor devoted himself to the service of the dead. The act is then a substitute for a more primitive self-immolation’; Leaf (1900-02), vol. 2, p. 481 on Hom., Il. XXIII, 135: ‘a part cut straight from the living body represents the whole man, who thus offers himself as an escort to the shades’; Jameson (1949), p. 59: ‘by cutting off a living part of himself and presenting it to a god or a dead relative, a man in effect dedicates himself’; West (1987), p. 187 on Eur., Or., 96: a form of self-mutilation.
Also noted by Jameson (1949), p. 75.
E.g. Theophr., Piet., fr. 12, 42-49; 13, 15-22; 19, 3-7 Pötscher = Porph., Abst. II, 24, 1; 27, 1; 32, 1. These passages are taken by scholars, e.g. Pötscher (1964), Fortenbaugh (1992), as quoted by Porphyry from Theophrastus and can reasonably safely be regarded as Theophrastus’ use of the word aparchesthai, though it is unclear whether Porphyry was quoting from Theophrastus verbatim.
Theophr., Piet., fr. 12, 43-48 Pötscher = Porph., Abst. II, 24, 1.
Theophr., Piet., fr. 13, 15-22 Pötscher = Porph., Abst. II, 27, 1.
Hdt., I, 92; IV, 71; IV, 88.
E.g. LSJ, s.v. ἀπαρχή, 2: ‘firstlings for sacrifice or offering, first-fruits’.
E.g. Eur., Meleager, fr. 516.
E.g. IG I3 828 (ἀπαρχὴ ἄγρας); Arr., Cyn., 33 (ἀπαρχαὶ τῶν ἁλισκομένων); Anth. Pal. VI, 196 (ἀπαρχὴ ἄγρας); cf. SEG 47, 346 (δεκάταν αἰγῶν).
E.g. Eur., Or., 96 (ἀπαρχαὶ κόμης); Eur., Phoen., 1524-1525 (ἀπο χαίτας ἀπαρχαί).
E.g. Soph., Trach., 183 (μάχης ἀπαρχαί), 761 (λείας ἀπαρχή).
E.g. IG I3 628 (ἔργον ἀπαρχή), 695 (ἔργον ἀπαρχή); IG XI 4, 1248 (ἀπαρχή ἀπὸ τῆς ἐργασίας). There is a reference to ἔρ[γον ἀπαρ]χὲν in DAA 155 (= IG I3 673), but Raubitschek (1949)’s supplement is uncertain and does not appear in IG I3 673.
E.g. IG I3 647 (ἀπαρχὴ κτ[εά]νον); IG II2 3846 (χρήμ[ατα] ἀπαρχή), 4904 (χρημ[άτων] ἀπαρχή).
Snodgrass (1989-90), p. 291.
E.g. IG I3 730 (κτεάνον μοῖραν ἀπαρχσάμενος), IG II2 4320 ([τέχνης] οἰκέας ἔρνος ἀπαρξάμ[ενος]), 4334 (μοῖραν ἀπαρξαμένη κτεάνων); Hdt., III, 24, 4 (πάντων ἀπαρχόμενοι).
Eur., Meleager, fr. 516. The fact that Oeneus’ first offerings most probably consisted of animal sacrifices financed by the proceeds of his harvest is supported by Hom., Il. IX, 533-536, in which we are told that all other gods save Artemis enjoyed a hecatomb: καὶ γὰρ τοῖσι κακὸν χρυσόθρονος Ἄρτεμις ὦρσε χωσαμένη ὅ οἱ οὔ τι θαλύσια γουνῷ ἀλωῆς Οἰνεὺς ῥέξ᾿· ἄλλοι δὲ θεοὶ δαίνυνθ᾿ ἑκατόμβας, οἴῃ δ᾿οὐκ ἔρρεξε Διὸς κούρῃ μεγάλοιο. Note, however, that Homer uses the word thalusia rather than aparchai.
Soph., Trach., 760-762.
Engelmann ap. Schuler (2007), p. 134-135.
The suggestion in Engelmann ap. Schuler (2007), p. 135, ‘die glatte Flache am Unterleib der Tiere’ is far from certain.
This is neglected by LSJ, s.v. ἀπαρχή.
IG II2 1939 = 4339; Parker (2004), p. 275.
E.g. IG I3 526, 531, 547, 559, 566, 680, 696, 702, 731, 740, 834, 848, 872.
The singular apargma is used in e.g. I. Histriae 101 (see n. 61 below).
IGASMG I2 no. 53bis; SEG 43, 630; NGSL 27A. A full commentary is provided by Jameson, Jordan and Kotanski (1993), Dimartino (2003), Dubois (2003).
On trapezomata, see Gill (1974).
Here I follow Lupu’s interpretation of the rituals entailed: see his commentary on NGSL 27A. Jameson, Jordan and Kotanski (1993) do not comment on what actions are involved in aparchesthai (lines 15-16) and taking apargmata (line 19).
Ar., Pax, 1056.
ΣVΓAr., Pax, 1056. cf. Hsch. s.v. θευμορία·ἀπαρχή. θυσία. ἢ ὃ λαμβάνουσιν οἱἱερεῖς κρέας, ἐπειδὰν θύηται. θεοῦ μοῖρα.
Sommerstein (1985), p. 183, Olson (1998), p. 270. See also Van Straten (1995), p. 122: ‘[Hierokles] shows a particular interest in those parts of the victim that, at a sacrifice where a priest officiated, would normally fall to the priest’; but Van Straten does not say whether the apargmata in line 1056 are supposed to be priestly portions or not.
Hom., Od. XIV, 446; Olson (1998), p. 270, thinks that the apargmata involve ‘the god’s share of the splanchna and the tongue, which were dedicated to the divinity and then passed on to his or her servant’.
The only available piece of evidence which possibly speaks of first portions of sacrificial victims given to the priests is the Hellenistic lex sacra in Engelmann ap. Schuler (2007), p. 134-135; the difficulties in using this text have already been mentioned above.
E.g. IG II2 1356, 1359, 1363; LSAM 24A; IG V 1, 1390; IG XII 7, 237; SEG 35, 113. On priestly prerogatives, see Gill (1974), p. 127-133, Le Guen-Pollet (1991), Van Straten (1995), p. 154-155.
Ar., Pax, 1099-1121. See also Ar., Av., 975-976.
I. Histriae 101, amended by Moretti, RFIC 111 (1983), p. 55-57 (= SEG 33, 582), SEG 50, 685, Bîrzescu (2005), p. 418, no. G8, Kernos 22 (2009), p. 217 no. 13. Moretti’s interpretation of apargma as equivalent tο ἔργων ἀπαρχή, an offering consisting of a part of the artisan’s earnings (‘offerta fatta con parte del guadagno che un artigiano ricava col suo lavoro’) is problematic; in his footnote he quotes Lazzarini (1976), p. 88 (on the phrase ἔργων ἀπαρχή), but Lazzarini does not give such an explanation of apargma.
SEG 38, 783d (Ἀθαναίας ἄπαργμα Πείσιος ἀνέθε̄κε), f (Βωλάκριτος : Ἀθαναίαι : ἄπαργμα); Martellin (1988), p. 114. Also quoted in Herda (2006), p. 244, n. 1739.
IG I3 703 = DAA no. 284. Note that IG I3 703 has [ἄρ]γ̣ματα, whereas DAA no. 284 has [ἀπάρ]γ̣ματα.
E.g. Hdt., II, 45 (αὐτοῦ κατάρχεσθαι), Ar., Av., 959 (μὴ κατάρξῃ τοῦ τράγου), Eur., Phoen., 573 (κατάρχεσθαι θυμάτων), Dem., 21, 114 (κατάρχεσθαιτῶν ἱερῶν).
Hdt., IV, 60.
Macan (1895-1908), p. 41, put it vaguely: ‘no beginning with consecration’; How and Wells (1928), vol. 1, p. 326: burning of hair; Asheri, Lloyd and Corcella (2007), p. 626: ‘the sprinkling of lustral water and scattering of barley-grains to consecrate the victim’.
Absolute usages: e.g. Hdt., IV, 103 (καταρξάμενοι ῤοπάλῳ παίουσι τὴν κεφαλήν); Asheri, Lloyd and Corcella (2007) do not comment on this word; Eur., Heracl., 529 (στεμματοῦτε καὶ †κατάρχεσθ’ εἰ δοκεῖ†); And., 1, 126 (ἐκέλευον κατάρξασθαι τὸν Καλλίαν); Ath., fr. 1, 40-43 K.-A.: καταρχόμεθ’ ἡμεῖς οἱ μάγειροι, θύομεν, σπονδὰς ποιοῦμεν, τῷ μάλιστα τοὺς θεοὺς ἡμῖν ὑπακούειν διὰ τὸ ταῦθ’ εὑρηκέναι τὰ μάλιστα συντείνοντα πρὸς τὸ ζῆν καλῶς; Malay and Ricl (2009), p. 40, no. I, 42-43 (κατάρξετ[αι] ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ).
Eur., Alc., 74-76.
Stengel (1908) denied that there is any question of a sacrifice here at all; Dale (1954), p. 58, considers the passage untypical in that the terminology of ordinary sacrificial ceremony is applied to the ceremony of death, with Thanatos as the officiating priest; LSJ, s.v. κατάρχω, II.b, cite this as an example where the word means ‘sacrifice’ or ‘slay’ (rather than ‘to begin a sacrifice’). Parker (2007), p. 67, translates line 74: ‘to begin the rites with the sword’.
The word occurs three times: Eur., IT,40, 56, 1154.
Sprinkling of water: Eur., IT, 53-54, 622; Platnauer (1938), p. 64, Cropp (2000), p. 175. Euripides makes no explicit mention of the procedure of scattering barley grains (οὐλοχύται or οὐλαί) on the victims’ head; but it is possible that this also formed part of Iphigenia’s duty as the two acts were customarily performed together in Greek sacrifice: see e.g. Hom., Od. III, 444-446, Ar., Pax, 948-962, Ar., Av., 850, Eur., IA, 1568-1569, Van Straten (1995), p. 31-40. Note also the noun κατάργματα in Eur., IT, 244: χέρνιβας δὲ καὶ κατάργματα οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις ἂν εὐτρεπῆ ποιουμένη. The κατάργματα seem to refer to barley grain here; but since this word is otherwise unattested in the Classical period (later in Plut., Thes., 22, 5), it is not entirely clear what it signifies precisely. See also LSJ s.v. κατάργματα: ‘first offerings’. Etymologically related to κατάρχεσθαι and κατάργματα is the noun καταρχή, attested in religious use only in IG II2 1359 (= LSCG 29), and its meaning remains obscure. LSJ, s.v. καταρχή. III, explain this as ‘the part of the victim first offered’; but the fact that the word is derived from katarchesthai (a pre-killing rite) makes it unlikely that the flesh of the victim is involved, unless the hair is meant, which is unlikely in this context.
Hair-cutting: Hsch. s.v. κατάρξασθαι τοῦ ἱερείου·τῶν τριχῶν ἀποσπάσαι; Phot. s.v.κατάρξασθαι τῶν τριχῶν· ἀπάρξασθαι τοῦ ἱερείου; LSJ, s.v. κατάρχω, II.2.a; Parker (2005), p. 97 n. 25. Lustration and scattering of grains only: Stengel (1908). Hair-cutting, lustration, and scattering of grains: Denniston (1939), p. 148, Jameson (1949), p. 56, Dunbar (1995), p. 541-542, on Ar., Av., 959, Parker (2011), p. 134-135, 161.
Ar., Ach., 244.
Eur., Alc., 74-76.
Absolute use: katarchesthai: e.g. Hdt., IV, 60, 103, Andoc., 1, 126; aparchesthai: Ar., Ach., 244.
Katarchesthai with a genitive object: e.g. Hdt., II, 45 (αὐτοῦ πρὸς τῷ βωμῷ κατάρχοντο), Eur., Phoen., 573 (κατάρξηι θυμάτων), Ar., Av., 959 (Μὴ κατάρξῃ τοῦ τράγου), Dem., 21, 114 (κατάρξασθαι τῶν ἱερῶν).
Aparchesthai with a genitive object: e.g. Hdt., IV, 61; IV, 188; Eur., El., 91.
Homer uses the word eparchesthai in connection with preliminary rituals of drinking, meaning ‘to pour the first drops (into the cups) before a libation’. It is used seven times in Homer and always appears in the formula ἐπάρχεσθαι δεπάεσσιν, an expression not found in later Greek literature. See Hom., Il. I, 471, IX, 176, Od. III, 340, VII, 183, XVIII, 418, XXI, 263, 272. See also LSJ, s.v. ἐπάρχεσθαι II.1. The partial sense is present in the Homeric eparchesthai: it signifies also the offering of a first portion of a greater whole (of wine).
Sacrifice: e.g. LSCG 88 (c. 230?), Parker and Obbink (2000), no. 1, 10-12 (c. 125?) (= SEG 50, 766), Parker and Obbink (2001), no. 4A (1st century) (= SEG 51, 1066), LSS 72 (1st century), Engelmann ap. Schuler (2007), p. 134-135 (Hellenistic). Healing: Petrakos (1997), nos. 276 (= LSS 35), 277 (= RO 27).
E.g. SEG 16, 182 (early 4th century, women getting married), Xen., An. V, 3, 13 (4th century, tenants of sacred land), LSCG 134 = IG XII 3, 436 (4th century, possibly tenants of sacred land), IG II2 1215 (early 3rd century, office-holders), Parker and Obbink (2000), no. 1 (c. 125?, freedmen, fishermen, shipowners) (= SEG 50, 766), Parker and Obbink (2001), no. 6, 85-88 (early 2nd century, contractors) (= SEG 51, 1062).
Schlaifer (1940), p. 234, suggested Zeus Soter. Lewis (1960) suggested Apollo Delios; followed by Garland (1992), p. 110-111. Lewis’ view is questioned by Mattingly (1990), p. 112-113 (= SEG 40, 10), who proposes τὸς δὲ λί[θος] instead of τὸς Δελί̣[ος] in line 19; the reference to stones suits the context of temple-building here. Mattingly supposes Zeus Soter to be the god concerned here.However, both τὸς Δελί̣[ος] and τὸς δὲ λί̣[θος] are rejected by Matthaiou (2000-03) (= SEG 51, 31) on the basis of autopsy, who reports that the letter following the lambda is not an iota, but another lambda, so that line 19 should read τὸς δ’ ΕΛΛ[...........].
IG I3 130; both words aparche (line 7) and eparche (line 18) are used in this inscription.
Petrakos (1997), nos. 276 (= LSS 35), 277 (= RO 27). In no. 276 the word is supplemented by Petropoulou (1981), p. 40-42.
IG II2 1215.
Engelmann ap. Schuler (2007), p. 134-135.
E.g. IG I3 130, 7 (aparche), 18 (eparche); IG II2 1672, 182 (eparche), 263 (eparche), 288 (eparche), 297 (aparche).
See n. 78.
Not all religious payments of aparche/eparchai are compulsory: e.g. the eparchai in CID II 1, 3, 4 are voluntary contributions for the re-building of the temple of Apollo in Delphi.
Jameson (1949), passim, emphasized that a thusia offered the whole sacrificial animal to the god, in contrast to aparchai in meals which were ‘part offerings’ in nature.
On the notion of ‘taboo’ on food, see e.g. Frazer (1911-15), vol. 3, p. 5, 102; vol. 4, p. 101-2; vol. 8, p. 56-58; Harrison (1903), p. 83.
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