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Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2006 (EBGR 2006)

Angelos Chaniotis
p. 209-243

Texte intégral

1The 19th issue of the Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion presents a selection of the epigraphic publications of 2006 and several additions to earlier issues. Following the practice of the last issues, emphasis was placed on the presentation of new corpora and editions of new texts. We note the publication of two corpora containing inscriptions from Thessalonike (88) and Antiocheia in Pisidia (21). This issue also contains several interesting new texts. Undoubtedly, the most important is the dossier of letters of Hadrian, which provides detailed information on the organisation of agonistic festivals (114). An interesting expression of religious experience is an inscription from Aizanoi, which reports how the dreadful fear felt by a certain Menophilos (on account of a vision?, of divine punishment?) lead to the foundation of the cult of Great Zeus of Menophilos (95). Divine punishment seems also to have forced an individual to dedicate a slave to Artemis Ephesia in Macedonia (9). An interesting dedication from Kallipolis (4th/3rd cent., 101) is designated as λυσίπονα (‘expression of gratitude for the end of suffering’); this texts is also a very rare attestation of the cult of Nyx. A new ‘confession inscription’ is now added to the corpus of this intriguing group of texts (78).

2A new sacred regulation from Thasos (55) concerns order in a sanctuary of the Delian gods; another sacred regulation can now be restored as a regulation concerning the sale of the priesthood of the gods of the council at Kos (57). Regarding the imperial cult, important new evidence has come to light in Metropolis (Ionia, 38), includ­ing an altar for Augustus Heilasterios and a new copy of the dossier of documents concerning the celebration of his birthday in Asia. An inscription from Rhodiapolis (63) refers to the construction at the expense of a woman of a crown decorated with images of the emperors, probably the crown of the high priestess of the imperial cult. Another important group of new texts are the Latin curse tablets from Mainz (15), which show great affinity with prayers for justice from the Hellenistic and Roman East. We also single out a long funerary oration from Pantikapaion (17), which assimilates the deceased with Chiron.

3The principles explained in Kernos 4 (1991), p. 287-288, and Kernos 7 (1994), p. 287, also apply to this issue. Abbreviations which are not included in the list of abbreviations are those of L’Année Philologique and J.H.M. Strubbe (ed.), Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Consolidated Index for Volumes XXXVI-XLV (1986-1995), Amsterdam, 1999, as well as of later volumes of the SEG. If not otherwise specified, dates are BC. Aneurin Ellis-Evans (Balliol College, Oxford) has improved the English text.


Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Ἔργο Θεσσαλίας καὶ Στερεᾶς Ἑλλάδας

A. Mazarakis Ainian (ed.), Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Ἔργο Θεσσαλίας καὶ Στερεᾶς Ἑλλάδας. Πρακτικὰ Ἐπιστημονικῆς Συνάντησης. Βόλος 27.2.-2.3.2003, Volos, 2006.

AST 23

23. Arastirma Sonuçlari Topalntisi. 30 Mayis-3 haziran 2005, Antalya, Ankara, 2006.

Donna e vita

A. Buonapane – F. Cenerini (eds.), Donna e vita cittadina nella documentazione epigrafica. Atti del II Seminario sulla condizione femminile nella documentazione epigrafica. Verona, 25-27 marzo 2004, Rome, 2005.

Greek Sacrificial Ritual

R. Hägg – B. Alroth (eds.), Greek Sacrificial Ritual, Olympian and Chthonian. Proceedings of the Sixth International Seminar on Ancient Greek Cult, Organized by the Department of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History, Göteborg University, 25-27 April 1997, Stockholm, 2005.

Histria VII

P. Alexandrescu et al., Histria. Les résultats des fouilles. VII. La zone sacrée d’époque grecque (Fouilles 1915-1989), Bukarest, 2005.

Mélanges Hurst

A. Kolde – A. Lukinovich – A.-L. Rey (eds.), Κορυφαίῳ ἀνδρί. Mélanges offerts à André Hurst, Geneva, 2005.

Selected Topics

Geographical areas (in the sequence adopted by SEG)

4Attica: Athens: 4. 19. 27-29. 31. 45. 91. Peloponnesos: Troizenia: Troizen: 66. Epidauros: 45. 87. Messenia: Andania: 19. 28. 36. 98; Messene: 110. Elis: Olympia: 109. Boiotia: 31. 85; Lebadeia: 16; Thebes: 5; Thespiai: 27. 39. Delphi: 45. 96. 103. Phokis: Elateia: 122. Aitolia: Kallipolis: 101. Lokris: Naryx: 67; Physkos: 102. Ionian Islands: Korkyra: 44. Thessaly: Itonos: 62; Larisa: 59. 113. Epeiros: Dodona: 74. Illyria: 44; Bouthrotos: 97; Grammata: 22. Dalmatia: 23. 44. Macedonia: 9. 14. 77. 92. 121; Beroia: 71; Dion: 89-90; Kallindoia: 106; Leukopetra: 119; Pella: 1; Philippi: 18; Thessalonike: 88. Moesia. Histria: 2. 13. 55. North Shore of the Black Sea: Bosporan kingdom: 112; Olbia: 20. 55. 72; Pantikapaion: 17. Delos: 27-28. 40. 45. 56. 105. Mykonos: 19. Rhodes: 19. 100; Lindos: 68. Thera: 27. Kos: 19. 28. 57. Ios: 27. Paros: 27. 54. Peparethos: 37. Andros: 103. Chios: 27. Samos: 85. Thasos: 11. 46-48. 54. 85. Euboia: Zarax: 56. Crete: 84; Gortyn: 19; Knossos: 10. Sicily: 118; Comiso: 11; Leontinoi: 49; Selinous: 60. 91. Italy: 118; Forum Fulvii: 52; Lokroi Epizephyrioi: 76; Pozzuolo: 82; Rome: 24. Germania: 15. Asia Minor: 30. 117. Karia: Amyzon: 33; Halikarnassos: 32. 64-66. 107; Hyllarima: 116; Keramos: 108; Knidos: 27; Stratonikeia: 7-8; Ouranion: 114. Ionia: Ephesos: 85; Erythrai: 28; Kolophon: 51; Magnesia on the Maeander: 85; Metropolis: 38; Miletos: 3. 19. 55. 85; Priene: 27. 31; Smyrna: 85; Teos: 33. 75. Lydia: 78-81; Sardeis: 33. Mysia: Germe: 53; Pergamon: 27. 75. 85. Phrygia: Aizanoi. 73; Akmonia: 115. Pisidia: Antiocheia: 21. Lykia: 34. 42; Myra: 104; Oinoanda: 86; Rhodiapolis: 63; Xantos: 33. Syria-Palaestina: 30; Gerasa: 99; Sidon: 119. Arabia: Ikaros: 94. Cyprus: Amathous: 6. 61. Kommagene: 43. Arabia: 50. Egypt: 58. 69; Alexandria: 27; Naukratis: 41. 55

5acclamation: 73

6afterlife: 24

7Alexander the Great: 88

8altar: 8

9amphictyony: 67 (Delphi). 109 (Olympia)

10amulet: 12; cf. phylactery

11animals: cobra: 69; goat: 11; ox: 11; pig: 11. 28; ram: 56; sacrificial: 11. 19. 28; pregnant: 19. 28

12association, cult: 27. 75. 88

13asylia: 94

14banquet: 1. 11. 21. 88. 91

15benefactor: 48

16birthday: 51; of emperor: 38

17calendar: 101 (Lokris)

18cession of property to gods: 15

19chthonian, sacrifice: 28. 60. 91

20confession: 15; confession inscriptions: 35. 76. 78

21contest: 51. 117. 119; athletic: 108; musical: 75

22council, cults in: 57

23crown, priestly: 57. 63

24cult, emperor: 6. 18. 21. 38. 42. 46. 67. 88. 93. 99. 106. 114. 119; of poets: 27; ruler c.: 33. 51. 65. 119-120

25cult, founder: 73. 79. 88; introduction of: 10. 40. 54; Italian influence: 97

26cult personnel: agonothetes: 21. 88. 95. 102. 110. 119; augur: 21; archiereia of the provincial emperor cult, in Macedonia: 93; archiereus: 21; of Hellenistic ruler cult: 33. 119; of civic emperor cult: 88. 119; of provincial emperor cult in Achaia: 110; in Lykia: 42. 86; brabeutes: 21; flamen: 18; hieraphoros: 119; hiereia: 4. 53. 63. 119; of civic emperor cult: 46. 63. 93; hiereus: 21. 53. 57. 79. 88-89. 115. 119; of civic emperor cult: 18. 38; hieromnemon: 54; hieropoios: 54; protanaklites: 21; proxenos: 109; sacerdos: 21. 88; theekolos/theokolos: 67. 109

27cult regulation: 19. 36. 54. 57. 60

28curse: 15. 29. 76; see also funerary imprecation, prayer for justice

29dedication: 68; of a child: 121; of a slave: 121; by an association: 119; by a herald: 118; by a priest: 89. 119; in commemoration of war victory: 5. 39. 112; for the well-being of an association: 119 for the well-being of a family member: 80. 119; for the well-being of master: 21; for the well-being of the royal family: 61; for the well-being of a member of the imperial family: 46. 88; in expression of gratitude: 42. 119; upon divine command: 8-9. 73; upon an oracle: 43

30deities: Aphrodite: 2. 6. 13. 40. 44. 55. 61. 66. 99. 119; Akraia 66; Kypria 6; Schoinis 32. Apollon: 37. 41. 65. 73. 92. 96. 99. 116; Delios 55-56; Germenos 53; Ietros 2; Kerdoios 59. 113; Klarios 51; Phoibos 112. Artemis: 8. 19. 21. 48. 99. 101; Agoraia 102; Akraia 88; Delia 54; Ephesia 9; Epikrateia 70; Gourasia 88. Asklepios: 37. 73. 87-88. 99. 119; Sebastos 115; Soter 90. Athena: 4. 87. 99. 102; Ilias 101; Itonia 62; Kranaia 122; Sebaste 115; Skiras 19. Boreus: 2. Charites: 102. Demeter: 19. 36. 72. 99; Chloe 19. Dionysos: 88. 112; Horophoros 88; Kadmeios 119. Dioskouroi: 10. 15. 22. 36; Soteres 50. Eros: 44. Ge: 19. Hekate: 73. Hera: 13. 49. 99; Antheia 19; Boulaia 57. Herakles: 11. 17. 88. 99. Hermaphroditos: 107. Hermes: 115. Hosion kai Dikaion: 73. 88. Kore: 72-73. Leto: 99. Mes: 21; Axiottenos 81. Meter: 73; Epiktetos 73; Motyllene 76; Oreia 42; Theon 63. 72-73. 121. Mousai: 27. Nemesis: 88; Epekoos 21. Nyx: 101. Pan: 97. Pasa: 97. Phorkys: 2. 13. Plouton: 72. Poseidon: 17. 88. 99: Isthmios 66. Rhea: 19. Rhome: 106. 119. Soteira:94. Thea: Andeine 79; Peismatene 53. Themis: Agoraia 102(?). Theoi: 21. 104; Boulaioi 57; Pantes 42. Theos: Epekoos 21; Hypsistos 42. 88; Megas 2. Tyche: 71. Zeus: 13. 32-33. 44. 73. 89. 99. 106. 118; Agoraios 102. 118; Aulaios 53; Boulaios 57; Bronton 73; Dolichenos 43; Hikesios 118; Hypsistos 14; Kassios 44; Keraunios 80. 115; Meilichios 118; Odarios 102, Olympios 73; Orios 118; Philios 1-2; Saotas 39; Sabazios 73; Soter 8. 118.

31deities: Egyptian: 10. 15. 58. 61. 66. 88; Anatolian: Attis 15; Kybele 15. 53; Mater Magna 15; Roman: Bellona 15; Oriental: Eshmoun 119; Mithras 119

32deities, assimilation of Greek and foreign god: 119; descent from: 17 (from Herakles and Poseidon). 88 (Alexander from Zeus); dyads: 97; patrons of fertility: 88; of sailors: 22. 50; tribes named after d.: 99

33devotion: 73

34disease: 52

35divination: 16. 43. 74

36dream: 73

37emotionality in ritual: 26

38epiphany: 68. 73

39epithet, deriving from acclamation: 73

40exorcism: 12

41fate: 7

42fear: 73

43fertility: 28

44festival: 95. 117; crowning during: 57; order during: 36

45festivals: Aktia Kabeiria Kaisareia Pythia: 88 (Thessalonike); Dionysia: 110 (Messene); Echenikeia: 40 (Delos); Eleutheria: 21 (Plataia); Karneia: 36; Maximianeia: 21 (Antiocheia in Pisidia); Paneia: 25 (Delos); Sarapeia Apollonia 63 (Rhodiapolis); Soteria: 25 (Delos, Delphi); Stesileia: 40 (Delos); Thesmophoria: 28. 54; Trophonia: 16 (Lebadeia)

46finances, sacred: 85. 96

47fortune: 71

48foundation: 21

49funerary cult: 21. 30. 34. 47. 73. 88; burial of members of associations 88; emotionality in funeral: 26; funerary altar dedicated to a god: 73; imprecation: 21. 73. 81. 86. 104; oration: 17; public funeral: 30. 47

50gem, magical: 53

51gladiators: 7. 21. 71. 88

52grave, protection of: 30. 88. 104; see also funerary imprecation

53gymnasion: 51

54healing: 52

55hero: 5 (Euonymos, Kadmos). 9. 13. 16 (Trophonios). 17. 20 (Achilles). 23 (Diomedes). 77 (Auloneites). 88 (Aineias); sacrifice to: 91

56heroization: 30. 34. 89

57Homer: 27

58identity: 36

59inventory: 96

60Jews: magic: 12

61kinship, mythological: 31. 59

62lex sacra: see cult regulation

63libation: 1. 58

64magic: 15; see also amulet, curse, exorcism, prayer for justice

65manumission, sacred: 9. 102. 121

66music: 3

67mystery cult: 36. 97-98

68myth: 17. 59. 64. 66-67. 88. 107; mythological kinship: 31

69name, theophoric: 111

70oath: 36

71Orpheus: 2

72Panhellenion: 67

73perirrhanterion: 87

74personification: 101 (Nyx)

75phylactery: 52. 82

76piety: 35. 115

77politics and religion: 25. 36. 94

78prayer: 57; for justice: 15. 69. 76

79priesthood, hereditary: 79; for life: 21. 63. 115; sale of: 57; list of priests: 66. 116

80private cult: 40

81procession: 36. 120

82punishment, divine: 9. 54. 73. 78

83purification: 28. 60. 91. 118

84relics: 68

85rituals: see cession of property to gods, libation, sacrifice, supplication, transition rite

86river-god: 105. 111

87sacrifice: 11. 19. 28. 36. 51. 91. 100. 120; of pregnant animals: 19; plunging of animals into the sea 100; consumption of meat on the spot: 91; distribution of meat: 57; see also animals

88sacrilege: 109

89sanctuary: 6. 45; federal: 62. 122

90sanctuary, administration: 45; boundary stone: 6. 8. 41; building activities: 45. 48. 84. 114; deposits of money: 96; finances: 45. 96; foundation of: 15; keeping of livestock: 54; land belonging to: 11; order in: 54. 109; prohibition of entering a s.: 54; protection of: 54. 105

91slave: 15. 21-22

92soul: 76

93statue: 57. 115; removal of: 114

94supplication: 36. 38

95theoria: 103

96transition rite: 19

97vision: 73

98vow: 50

99water: 105

100women, participation in cult: 11. 54; priestesses: 93

Greek words (a selection)

101acclamations: εἷς θεὸς ἐν οὐρανῷ 73; μέγα τὸ Ὅσιον, μέγα τὸ Δίκαιον 73

102amulet: σῷζε 82

103associations: ἀρχιγάλλαρος 88, ἀρχικρανεάρχης 88; ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος 88; ἀρχιμαγαρεύς ἀθύτου 88; ἀρχιμύστης 88; ἀρχισυνάγωγος 88; βακχεῖον 88; γάλλαρος 88; ἐξεταστής 88; ἐπιμελητής 88; θρησκεία 88; μαγαρεύς 88; μήτηρ σπείρας 88; ναρθηκοφόρος 88; νεβριαφόρος 88; νεβρίνη 88; παλαιομύστης 88; σπεῖρα 88; συνήθεις 88; συνκλῖται 88

104banquets: δοχαί 88; συνκλῖται 88

105cult personnel: βραβευτής 21; πρωτανακλιτής 21

106curse: ἁμαρτωλὸς ἔστω θεοῖς 104; ἁμαρτωλὸς ἔστω θεοῖς χθονίοις/καταχθονίοις 104; ἀνατίθημι 29; ἀνιαρίζω 76; τοῦ Ἀξιοττηνοῦ μηδέποτε εἵλεος τύχοιτο 81; Ἑκάτης μελαίνης περιπέσοιτο συνφορᾷ 73; ἐπέρχομαι 29; ἔστω ἀσεβὴς θεοῖς καταχθονίοις 104; ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν Θεόν 21; ἔστω ἐπάρατος θεοῖς καὶ θεαῖς 86; καταδῶ 29; καταδηννύω 29

107dedications: ἄπαργμα 13; δῶρον 23; ἐμνήσθη 22; ἐπαγγειλάμενος 73; ἐπιδείκνυμι τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας εὐχήν 21; εὐχαριστήριον 119; εὐχήν 21. 53. 73. 80; κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν 8-9; κατ᾿ εὐχήν 73; ἱερός 13. 23; λυσίπονα 101; τυχοῦσα τᾶς εὐχᾶς 101; ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς 73; ὑπὲρ τῆς θυγατρὸς σωτηρίας 80; ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας τῶν κυρίων 21

108divine punishment: αἰτουμένη 9; ἐνθυμιστόν 54; ἐπιζητέω 78

109epithets: ἅγιος 119 (Asklepios); ἀγοραῖος/α 102 (Artemis?, Themis?, Zeus); ἀκραία 88 (Artemis); ἀνθεία 19 (Hera); αὐλαῖος 53 (Zeus); βουλαῖος 57; εἱλαστήριος 38 (Augustus); ἐπήκοος 9 (ἥρως). 21 (Nemesis). 21 (Theos); ἐπίκτητος 73 (Meter Thea); ἐπικράτεια 70 (Artemis); εὐεργέτης 119 (Antiochos III); ἱκέσιος 118 (Zeus); κεραύνιος 80. 115 (Zeus); κερδῷος 59. 113 (Apollon); κύριος 73 (Asklepios); μέγας/μεγάλη 6 (Aphrodite). 12 (theos). 73 (Hosion kai Dikaion, Zeus); μέγιστος/η 58 (Thriphis); μειλίχιος 118 (Zeus); ξένιος 118 (Zeus); ὄπισθε 28; ὄριος 118 (Zeus); οὐράνιος 115 (theoi); πάτριος 21 (Mes); σαώτας 39 (Zeus); σεβαστός/σεβαστή 115 (Asklepios, Athena); σχοινίς 32 (Aphrodite); σώτειρα 94; σωτήρ 50 (Dioskouroi). 90 (Asklepios). 119 (Antiochos III); ὕψιστος 14 (Zeus). 42 (Theos); χλόη 19 (Demeter); ὡροφόρος 88 (Dionysos)

110funerary cult: ἥρως 21. 34. 73. 81. 86. 88; θριγκός 88; τρινχός 88

111magic: αβλαναθαναλβα 82; Ἀβρασάξ 53; ακραμαχαμαρι 82; ανοχ 52; διαφύλαξον 12; Ἰαω 53. 82; ὁρκίζω 12; Σαβαώ 82; σεμεσειλαμ 82; σενσεγεν 82; φαρανγης 82

112piety: θεοσεβής 73; θεραπεία 57; θρησκεία 88; ἱερός 73; τεκμορεύω 21

113prayer: ἐπεύχομαι 57

114sacrifice: ἀποφορά 91; ἐναγίζω 91; ἐνατεύω 11; θύω 91; ἱπποκαθέσια 100

115sanctuaries: ἀκτή 119; ἱερὸς τόπος 6


1161) I. Akamatis, “Πανεπιστημιακὴ ἀνασκαφὴ Ἀγορᾶς Πέλλας, 2005”, AEMTh 19 (2005) [2007], p. 407-426 [SEG LV 705]: Ed. pr. of a black kantharos found in the Agora of Pella (Hellenistic period). The vase was inscribed before firing with the text ‘of Zeus Philios’ (p. 422; cf. SEG XLV 780). [The inscription shows that this kantharos was used for libations for Zeus Philios, the patron of friendship, during banquets.]

1172) P. Alexandrescu – M. Alexandrescu Vianu, “Histoire et stratigraphie”, in Histria VII, p. 51-156: The authors present an overview of the deities, who were worshipped in the ‘sacred area’ of Histria (6th-1st cent.), on the basis of epigraphic finds: Aphrodite, Boreus, Apollon Ietros, Phorkys, Theos Megas, and Zeus. The text [Ὀρ]φέωι on a base (p. 126f., Hellenistic) may be a dedication to Orpheus.

1183) N.A. Аlmazova, “Προκιθαριστής”, Hyperboreus 12 (2006), p. 261-278: After discussing the various connotations of pro- in composite words, A. argues that pro- in prokitharistes in Miletos (I.Didyma 182 and 265; MDAI(I) 15 [1965], p. 122) designates a leading citharist performing during ceremonies.

1194) N. Andriolo, “Chrysis, sacerdotessa di Athena: IG, II/III2, 1136”, in Donna e vita, p. 439-445: Commentary of an honorary decree of Delphi for Chrysis, priestess of Athena (IG II² 1136, 117 BC) [no new insights].

1205) V.L. Aravantinos, “A New Inscribed Kioniskos from Thebes”, ABSA 101 (2006), p. 369-377: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary dedicatory inscription (epigram?) inscribed on a small column that supported a dedication (a tripod?). It was found in a deposit of the late Archaic period at Pyri, a suburb of Thebes [cf. SEG LIV 518]. The votive was dedicated to an anonymous deity or hero (perhaps Kadmos or the Boiotian hero Euonymos) in commemoration of the military activities of Theban troops during the invasion of Attika by Kleomenes and his allies in 506 BCE (Herod., V, 77). The text seems to refer to the temporary occupation of Oinoe, Phyle, and Eleusis (possibly Hysiai too) by the Theban troops and the liberation of captives from Chalkis. This campaign ended in a humiliating defeat of the Thebans, for which the Athenians erected a victory monument on the Acropolis (IG I³ 501). This dedication was not a riposte to the Athenian monument, but probably an effort by the troops to save face.

1216) P. Aupert – A. Hermary, “Nouveaux documents sur le culte d’Aphrodite à Amathonte”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 83-99: Ed. pr. of an inscription (Amathous, 79 CE), which records the restoration of a sanctuary of Titus and Aphrodite by the governor of Cyprus, Lucius Bruttius Maximus (Αὐτοκράτορι Τίτωι Καίσαρι Οὐεσπασιανῷ Σεβαστῷ καὶ μεγάληι θεᾷ Κύπρου Ἀφροδείτηι τόπον ἱερὸν ἀποκατέστησε τὸν ἐντὸς τῶν στηλῶν ὄντα Λούκιος Βρούττιος Μάξιμος ἀνθύπατος, ἔτους δευτέρου). A second inscription, published by T.B. Mitford (“Religious Documents from Roman Cyprus”, JHS 66 [1946], p. 40-42), refers to activities of the same governor in connection with the same sanctuary; however, the second text mentions Aphrodite first and uses the verb καθιέρωσεν ([Κ]υπρί]αι] Ἀφροδε[ί]τηι καὶ Αὐτοκράτορ[ι] Τίτῳ Καίσαρι [Οὐ]εσπασιαν[ῶι Σεβ]αστῶι τό[πον ἱε]ρὸν τὸν ἐντὸς [τ]ῶν στηλ[ῶν ὄν]τα Λούκιος Βρούττιος Μάξιμος ἀνθύπατος, ἔτους δευτέρο[υ]). The editors plausibly assume that besides the sanctuary of Aphrodite on the acropolis, there was a second sanctuary near the north gate, where a marble head of Aphrodite (?) was found. This sanctuary (ἱερὸς τόπος) was damaged during the earthquake of 76 or 77 CE. The governor restored the sanctuary and dedicated it to the joined cult of Aphrodite and the emperor. The stelai mentioned in these texts refer to boundary markers of the sanctuary.

1227) S. Aydaş, “Gladiatorial Inscriptions from Stratonikeia in Caria”, EA 39 (2006), p. 105-109: Ed. pr. of six epitaphs of gladiators from Stratonikeia (3rd cent. CE), where gladiatorial combats were already attested (I.Stratonikeia 303, 1015, 1025). We single out the funerary epigram for Droseros, who was killed ‘through a new dance of Fate’ (καινοῖς ὀρχήμασι μοίρης) by the gladiator Achilles. [An interesting piece information is that the gladiator Achilles performed ‘first on the stage, now in the stadia’ (ὁ πρὶν ἐν σκηναῖς, νῦν δ᾿ ἐν σταδίοισ[ιν]); Achilles was an actor or a mime (Homeristes), before he became a gladiator; a good case of the performance of gladiatorial games in stadia is Aphrodisias: K. Welch, “The Stadium of Aphrodisias”, AJA 102 (1998), p. 559-561.]

1238) S. Aydaş, “Three Inscriptions from Stratonikeia in Caria”, EA 39 (2006), p. 111-112: Ed. pr. of two inscriptions from Stratonikeia (Imperial period): a stone (boundary stone) [or altar?)] naming Zeus Soter and Karios (1) and a dedication to Artemis upon divine command (2: Ἀρτέμιδι κατὰ ἐπιταγήν).

1249) S. Babamova, Epigrafski spomenici od Republika Makedonija datirani spored Makedonskata provinciska era [Epigraphic Monuments of the Republic of Macedonia Dated According to the Macedonian Provincial Era], Skopje, 2005: B. presents a corpus of 83 inscriptions, mostly from the territory of FYROM. In the introduction she briefly discusses the local cults. Since most of the texts have been included in IG X 2.2 (summarized in EBGR 1999, 181), we do not present this publication in detail. But there are several inscriptions (not in IG X 2.2), which deserve comment. A stele from Herakleia Lynkestis contains a dedication to Artemis Ephesia (35, 209 CE), whose cult is attested in Macedonia (IG X 2.2, 188 and 233). [B. presents only this dedication, inscribed on the lower part of the stele; but on the top, the stele contained a second (perhaps a third) dedication. We read part of the text on the top from the photo. One recognizes a date, a reference to a slave (L. 3: πεδάριον = παιδάριον), and the name of Artemis; it seems to be the dedication of a slave to Artemis Ephesia; for dedications of slaves in Macedonia see infra no. 121. The second text can be read in part; after a date (209 CE), a woman reports: Κλαυδία Στρατονείκη | ἐτουμένη ὑπὸ θεᾶ[ς] | Ἀρτέμιδος Ἑφεσία[ς] | ΑΠΟΔΙΔΩΚΡΑΤΗΣ|ΟΝΤ[---]; ‘I, Claudia Stratonike, having received a request from Artemis Ephesia, give --(?). Stratonike was the victim of divine punishment (ἐτουμένη = αἰτουμένη). The closest parallel is another dedication to Artemis Ephesia from Pelagonia (IG X 2.2, 233 lines 3-5: ἐνωχλημέν[η ὑπὸ]| Ἀρτέμιδος Ἐφεσίας [τῆς] | ἐν Κολοβαίσῃ; cf. the comments in EBGR 1999, 181.] B. presents the ed. pr. of a dedication to Heros Epekoos upon divine command (κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν; 83, 168 CE).

12510) M.W. Baldwin Bowsky, “From Capital to Colony: Five New Inscriptions from Roman Crete”, ABSA 101 (2006), p. 385-426: Ed. pr. of two Latin inscriptions from Roman Knossos. An inscribed block names Castor in the dative (3, 1st cent. CE); this is the first attestation of the cult of the Dioskouroi in Knossos; the Dioskouroi are, however, represented in a dedicatory relief; the cult of Castor and Pollux may have been introduced by Italian colonists. B. discusses in detail the evidence for the cult of Castor and Pollux in the Roman East. Another inscription (2, 1st cent. CE) seems to name Isis; B. comments on the diffusion of Egyptian cults in Crete.

12611) B. Bergquist, “A Re-Study of Two Thasian Instances of ἐνατεύειν”, in Greek Sacrificial Ritual, p. 61-70 [SEG LV 971-972]: B. discusses the meaning of the term ἐνατεύω, which is attested in Thasos in a cult regulation for the cult of Herakles (c. 450 BCE; IG XII Suppl. 414 = LSCG Suppl. 63) and in a lease of a real estate belonging to Herakles (early 3rd cent.; IG XII Suppl. 353). The cult regulation, which forbids the sacrifice of goats and pigs, the participation of women, athletic contests, and priestly perquisites, uses this term in a negation: sacrifices are to be performed not according to the ‘ninth-part sacrifice’. According to B., this negation is to be understood as a prescription: sacrifices should be followed by feasting. The aim of this regulation, originating in a private cult, was to relieve the cult from priestly perquisites and expensive contests. The other text is very fragmentary According to the traditional edition, lines 9-11 refer to a sacrifice (βοῦν | [τέλειον τῶι ἱερεῖ τοῦ Ἡρακλέος παρέξει ὅπως ἐ]νατευθῆι· ὅ,τι δ᾿ ἂν ἀπόσταθμον γίνηται τῶμ μὲν | [- – -]ει τοῖς πολεμάρχοις; ‘a full-grown ox shall be delivered to the priest of Herakles so that ---; what becomes weighed off, partly --- to the polemarchs’). B. argues that in this text too [ἐ]νατευθῆι was preceded by a negation; the ox delivered to the priest by the lessee of the garden was not to be sacrificed according to a ‘ninth-part sacrifice’; this means that a sacrificial feasting was to be performed. [The text is heavily restored (two thirds are missing), and it is not at all certain that there was a negation before [ἐ]νατευθῆι (a conditional sentence is also possible). It is not even certain that this is a clause prescribing a sacrifice. It is preceded by a clause concerning the dung of animals (lines 6-8; cf. line 17) and the misdemeanour of slaves (lines 8-9), and followed by a clause concerning trees (lines 12-13); the context is not that of a cult prescription, but that of a regulation concerning the proper use of the κῆπος by the leasee. The interpretation of ἀπόσταθμον as ‘weighed off’ (or ‘weight remaining after deduction esp. of the part of a victim reserved for the god’, LSJ Supp.) is debatable. This word belongs to a group of composita with ἀπό (ἀποπολίτης, ἀπόκοσμος, ἀπόδρομος, ἀπόδομος, ἀπέταιρος, etc.; cf. SEG LI 903 app. cr.), in which the preposition ἀπό indicates removal/rejection/distance from the second component of the word; consequently, ἀπόσταθμον may not be ‘away from the σταθμόν’ (the weight), but ‘away from the σταθμός’, i.e. away from the stable or the standing place for animals; this may be a clause concerning run-away animals (‘whichever animal leaves the stable, etc.’). The riddles concerning ἐνατεύειν have not been solved by this article.]

12712) G. Bevilacqua – F. De Romanis, “Nuova iscrizione esorcistica da Comiso”, RAL n.s. 9, 14 (2003), p. 389-402 [BE 2005, 91; SEG LIII 990]: Ed. pr. of a golden amulet found in the baths at Camiso in eastern Sicily (5th cent. CE). The amulet contains the exorcistic prayer of Schybos, son of Marylleina. It begins with the exorcistic formula ὁρκίζω σε τὸν μέγαν θεὸν ζῶ(ν)τα (lines 1-2), followed by seven divine names and concluding with the formula διαφύλαξον. Seven Jewish divine names appear in ascending order (formula: τὸν ἐπάνω τοῦ θεοῦ): Sabao, Iao, Eloeon, Elan, Marmario, Iakob/Iaboch, On[.]a (τὸν Ὤν[τ]α = τὸν <ὄ>ν[τ]α?). This sequence, hitherto unattested, reflects the ascendance to Heaven. The amulet should be put against a Jewish-Christian background.

12813) I. Bîrzescu, “Les graffiti”, in Histria VII, p. 414-432: B. presents a catalogue of the graffiti and dipinti found in the ‘sacred area’ of Histria. Except for a tile dedicated to Aphrodite as ἄπαργμα (G8 = I.Histriae 101), the other texts were written on vases. Some of them bear dedicatory inscriptions addressed to Zeus (G1-6), Hera (G7), Phorkys (G9), and Heros (G10-11). Two vases are designated as ἱερή (G11-12). Two dipinti with the letter Θ (G24-25) may refer to vases made for a sanctuary. [For a summary of these texts see id., “Histria. Graffiti din ‘zona sacră’ dedicaţii către divinitaţi”, SCIVA 54-56 (2003-2005), p. 201-210.]

12914) V. Bitrakova Grozdanova, “Sur le culte des Zeus Hypsistos en Macédoine”, Živa Antika 56 (2006), p. 73-80: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Zeus Hypsistos (Marvinci, area of Doberos or Idomene?, ca. 150-200 AD).

13015) J. Blänsdorf, “Cybèle et Attis dans les tablettes de defixio inédites du Mayence”, CRAI (2005), p. 669-692: B. reports on the discovery of 34 lead tablets in a sanctuary hosting temples of Isis Panthea and Mater Magna (Kybele) in Mainz 1999. The sanctuary was founded by an imperial liberta and a slave in the 1st cent. CE. B. presents the content of several of these tablets (late 1st/early 2nd cent.). With these texts, written in Latin, the victims of injustice requested revenge, addressing their payers to Mater Magna, (p. 673: rogo te, domina Mater Magna, ut tu me vindices; p. 674: Mater deum, tu persequeris per terras per [maria] ...; p. 678: Mater Magna, te rogo p[e]r [t]ua sacra et numen tuum), Attis, who is associated with Castor and Pollux (p. 680: bone sancte Atthis Tyranne, adsi(s), aduenias Liberali iratus; per omnia te rogo, domine, per tuum Castorem, Pollucem, per cistas penetrales), and Attis and Magna Mater (p. 683: in megaro eum rogo te, M<a>t<e>r Magna, megaro tio recipias et Attis, domine, te precor ut hu(n)c (h)ostiam acceptum abiatis; p. 686: sancta Mater Magna ...; tibi commendo, Attihi d<o>omine, ut me uindices). The offences include cheating (p. 673: me fraudavit Ulattius Seuerus; p. 674: quisquis dolum malum adm[isit --] hac pecun[i]a ...; qui pecunia dolum malum adhibet; p. 686: mihi fraudem fecit) and theft of jewelery (p. 678: Gemella fiblas meas qualis sustulit). The victims of injustice wished their opponents to die (p. 672: ‘their members should dissolve as this piece of lead dissolves, so that they may die’; p. 680: malum exitum; p. 686: exitum malum), to suffer mental disease (p. 680: des ei malam mentem), to fail in their undertakings (p. 673: omnia quidquid agit, quidquid aginat, omnia illi auersa sint; ut sal et acqua illi eueniat), to experience the mutilation of the Galli (Kybele’s followers), the bellonari (the priests of Bellona), and the magali or magili, unknown priests (p. 674: quomodo galli, bellonari, maga[l]i sibi sanguin[em] feruentem fundunt ...; cf. p. 678: quomodo galli se secarunt; p. 686: uti Galli Bellonariue absciderunt conciderunte se), to be excluded from the circle of men (p. 686: p. 686: nec illi in numero hominum sunt, neque ille sit), to lose fortune and reputation (p. 686: sic et illi siccet fama, fides, fortuna, faculitas), and their death to be observed by the people (p. 678: ut exitum tuum populus spectet; cf. p. 680: exitum quarum populus spectet). One of the longest texts (p. 674) requests that the culprits confess their crime (et dicat se admisisse ne[fa]s) and promises reward (d[e]mando tibi re[ligione] ut me uotis condamnes et ut laetus libens ea tibi referam, si de eo exitum malum faceris); two other texts threaten that their adversaries shall never find redemption (p. 678: nec se possint redimere; p. 680: neque se possit redimere). One text is explicitly designated as a defixio (p. 684: devotum defictum illum membra), another uses the expression in hac tabula depono (p. 686). [These texts are of great significance for the study of ancient magic. They are excellent examples of prayers for justice, a group of texts that B. has not considered in his brief report. There are close parallels from Spain and Britain. But, surprisingly, the closest parallels for the confession, are the texts from Knidos that request the adversary to come to the sanctuary and confess his crime (EBGR 1994/95, 362). The promise of reward recalls the ritualised cession of disputed property to gods, which is attested in confession inscriptions and prayers for justice (see EBGR 2004, 44); see also infra no 76.]

13116) P. Bonnechère, Trophonios de Lébadée. Cultes et mythes d’une cité béotienne au miroir de la mentalité antique, Leiden, 2003 [BE 2007, 311; SEG LV 555]: Based on the literary and epigraphic sources, B. presents a systematic study of the sanctuary of Trophonios in Lebadeia, the rituals, the oracular consultation (with a list of individuals who are known to have consulted the oracle), and the myths, the festival of the Trophonia, and the cults of Lebadeia.

13217) G.W. Bowersock – C.P. Jones, “A New Inscription from Panticapaeum”, ZPE 156 (2006), p. 117-128 [SEG LV 862]: A fragmentary inscription from Pantikapaion, containing a long funerary oration for an officer in the service of a Bosporan king, was first published by Y.G. Vinogradov and S.A. Shestakov (VDI 2005.2, p. 42-44; cf. S.Y. Saprykin, ibid., p. 45-80). B.-J. make this text better known, presenting a new critical edition and avoiding the many rather speculative restorations of the ed. pr. They demonstrate that the anonymous officer had served under Sauromates II (late 2nd cent. CE). The new text (47 lines) is of great interest for the study of the genre of funerary orations. As regards its significance for Greek religion, we mention the designation of the deceased officer as a hero (line 20: ὁ μὲν γὰρ μέγας ἥρως), the comparison of his relation to the king with that of the Centaur Chiron to Achilles (lines 22-24: Χεί]|ρων ὁ Κένταυρος τὸν Ἀχιλλέα ΜΕΓΑ[-----]|ΨΑΜΕΝΟΣ τὸν αὐτὸν οἶμαι τρόπ[ον ------]; cf. line 28: οὐδ᾿ ἐξεπαίδευσεν μόνον), and the reference to the descent (of the king?) from Poseidon and Herakles (lines 26-27: [ἀφ᾿ Ἡρακλέους]| καὶ Ποσειδῶνος γενόμενον.

13318) C. Brélaz – R. Frei-Stolba – A.D. Rizakis – A.G. Zanis, “De nouveaux notables dans la colonie de Philippes”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 519-547: Ed. pr. of an honorary inscription from Philippi (527-530 no. 2) for a priest of Antoninus (flamen imperatoris Antonini).

13419) J. Bremmer, “The Sacrifice of Pregnant Animals”, in Greek Sacrificial Ritual, p. 155-163: B. urges to consider the sacrifice of pregnant animals as part of a ‘symbolic system’. Adducing cult regulations from Athens (IG I³ 250 line 30; IG II² 949 line 7; SEG XXXIII 147 lines 38 and 44; LSCG 18 E 16-21; 20 B 12 and 48-49; 28 line 16; LSCG Suppl. 19 line 92), Andania (LSCG 65 lines 33 and 68), Rhodes (LSCG Suppl. 95), Mykonos (LSCG 96 lines 15-17), Kos (LSCG 151 B 3; Iscr.Cos ED 241 line 3), Gortyn (LSCG 146), and Miletos (LSAM 41 line 6), he distinguishes between two types of sacrifice of pregnant animals: 1) sacrifice offered to goddesses with ‘abnormal cults’, such as Demeter Chloe, Ge and Rhea in Athens, and Demeter in Andania, Delos, Mykonos, Kos, Rhodes, and Gortyn; 2) sacrifice offered during the transitional period between youth and adulthood, in connection with the cult of Hera Antheia in Miletos (LSAM 41 line 6), Artemis in Patmos (SGO I 01/21/0), and Athena Skiras in Athens.

13520) S. Buyskykh, “The Beykush Sanctuary of Achilles from the Greek Colonisation Period in the Lower Bug Region”, in J. Bouzek – L. Domaradzka (eds.), The Culture of Thracians and their Neighbours. Proceedings of the International Symposium in Memory of Prof. Mieczyslaw Domaradzki, with a Round Table “Archaeological Map of Bulgaria”, Oxford, 2005, p. 201-207: Summary of the information provided by graffiti on the cult of Achilles at Bejkuš near Olbia.

13621) M.A. Byrne – G. Labarre, Nouvelles inscriptions d’Antioche de Pisidie d’après les Notebooks de W.M. Ramsay, Bonn, 2006 (IGSK 67) [BE 2006, 409]: Ed. pr. of 241 Greek and Latin inscriptions copied between 1882 and 1928 by W.M. Ramsay in Antiocheia in Pisidia, mostly in the sanctuary of Mes Askainos. Cults: The most important cult in Antiocheia was that of Mes (11: θεὸς πάτριος Μής). Several fragments record the names of individuals, who made contributions to the cult of Mes in expression of devotion (τεκμορεύσας, τεκμόρειος; 14-27) [cf. EBGR 2004, 159 and 166]. The officials of this association of worshippers included βραβευταί (16 and 21) and πρωτανακλιταί (16; connected with a ritual banquet) [cf. the συνκλῖται in the cult of Theos Hypsistos in Macedonia; see infra no 88]. Dedications: Dedications are addressed to Mes (32-40; nos. 35-37 with the expression τεκμορεύσας), Nemesis Epekoos (31), Theoi (28-29), Theos Epekoos (30). A dedication was made by a slave for the rescue of his masters (3; ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας τῶν κυρίων). Many dedications were made in fulfilment of vows (εὐχήν: 28-30, 32, 34, 36, 39-40; we note the unusual expression ἐπιδειξάμεθα τῆς ἑα[υ]τῶν σωτηρίας εὐχήν in no. 30). Cult officials: Several inscriptions mention priests (41-43, 47b?, 48, 64; cf. 163: sacerdos) and a high priest of Mes for life (11). An inscription, which mentions an augur and priest (9), probably refers to the agonothetes C. Ulpius Baebianus, who also served as augur (12). Festivals-contests: There are several references to the agonothetai of the contest Maximianeia (8, 11), one of whom served for life (12); a small fragment records a victory of a boy in the pankration (13). A fragmentary honorary inscription for a benefactor mentions the organisation of gladiatorial combats (169: [munus ve]nation(um) et g[ladiat(orum)). The existence of gladiatorial games is also attested by Greek inscriptions mentioning φαμιλίαι μονομάχων belonging to high priests and priestesses (M. Taşlialan, “Pisidia Antiokheia’sı 1999 yili çalışmaları”, in 11. Müze çalışmaları ve kurtama kazılari sempozyumu, 24-26 Nisan 2000, Denizli, 2001, p. 134-146). Imperial cult: A Latin dedication to Tiberius (147). Foundations: An epitaph mentions Artemis (75). [The eds. suspect that the stele was erected for someone, who exercised a function in the cult of Artemis. But [κατέλειπ[--] (L. 5) must refer to a bequest of money probably for the cult of Artemis (L. 6: [--] Ἀρτέμιδος [--])]. Funerary cult: An epitaph (94) designates the occupants of a grave as ἥρωες (κατεσκεύασαν τοῖς ἥρω[σι]). Christian funerary imprecations use the traditional formula ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν Θεόν (112-115). Varia: We note the designation of a benefactor as πρῶτος τῶν Ἑλλήνων (2) [an expression used for the winner of the race at the Eleutheria in Plataia].

13722) P. Cabanes – J. Reboton – A. Hajdari – S. Shpuza, “L’expédition épigraphique à Grammata”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 817-821: Ed. pr. of two commemorative, rock-cut inscriptions at Grammata in Illyria. Numerous texts of the ἐμνήσθη-type were written by sailors and travellers, who attributed the safe end of a dangerous journey to the protection of the Dioskouroi. The first text was inscribed by a Tryphon together with fellow slaves (ἐμνήσθη Τρύφων παρὰ τοῖς Διοσκόροις μετ[ὰ τ]ῶν συν[δούλω]ν Μάρ[κου, Κερ]κηνί[ου]); the second text was inscribed by a man on behalf of his sister (ἐπ᾿ ἀγαθός· ἐμνήσθη παρὰ τοῖς Διοσκόροις Τεισέμενος τῆς ἀδελφῆς Ἀνατολῆς) [see now the publication of all the material by A. Hadjari et al., “Les inscriptions de Grammata (Albanie)”, REG 120 (2007), p. 353-394].

13823) S. Čače – L. Šešelj, “Finds from the Diomedes’ Sanctuary on the Cape Ploča: New contributions to the Discussion about the Hellenistic period on the East Adriatic”, in M. Sanader (ed.), Illyrica antiqua ob honorem Duje Rendíc-Miočević, Zagreb, 2005, p. 163-186 [BE 2007, 61; SEG LV 658]: The authors mention the discovery of more than 500 fragments of pottery with graffiti in a sanctuary of Diomedes at Punta Planka (promonturium Diomedis) in Dalmatia (cf. EBGR 1999, 128). The graffiti were usually inscribed on drinking vases dedicated to Diomedes by individuals with Greek names. The dedicants were sailors (cf. συνναῦται), probably from the island of Issa. Three fragments attest the formula Διομήδ(ε)ι δῶρον, one the formula ἱερόν.

13924) É. Cairon, “Une vie bienheureuse dans l’au-delà. L’épigramme pour Protê, IGUR, 3, n° 1146”, REG 119 (2006), p. 776-781: C. republishes the funerary epigram for Prote, who died at the age of seven, set up by her father (Rome, 3rd cent. CE). The great interest of this epigram lies in the fact that it presents a very detailed description of the afterlife and the underworld: ‘Prote, you have not died; you are gone to a better place and you live in the islands of the blessed, in great abundance; there, in the Elysian plain, you rejoice leaping among the delicate flowers, away from all evil. Neither winter nor heat bring you sorrow; illness does not disturb you; you know neither hunger nor thirst. But you also have no longing for the life of humans. For you live blameless in pure light, indeed close to Olympus’. C. provides literary and some epigraphic parallels for this image of afterlife.

14025) C.B. Champion, “In Defence of Hellas: The Antigonid Soteria and Paneia at Delos and the Aetolian Soteria at Delphi”, AJAH NS 3/4 (2004/05) [2007], p. 72-88: C. argues that Antigonos Gonatas responded to the announcement of the Aitolian Soteria in Delphi in 246 BCE by establishing the festivals Soteria and Paneia in Delos in 245 BCE. These festivals commemorated his victory over the Gauls in 278/7, not his more recent naval victory over a Ptolemaic fleet.

14126) A. Chaniotis, “Familiensache: Demonstration von Zusammengehörigkeit im alt­griechischen Grabritual”, in R. Reichman (ed.), “Der Odem des Menschen ist eine Leichte des Herrn”. Aharon Agus zum Gedenken, Heidelberg, 2006, p. 205-209: C. discusses expressions of emotionality in funerary rituals: the mention of the fact that a family member or a friend was personally involved in the burial in grave inscriptions (SGO I 01/12/17; 02/03/01; IV 17/16/01; 18/01/23; 22/37/01); the touching of the corpse, stressed in some funerary epigrams (SGO I 02/09/34; 05/01/46; II 08/05/06; 09/05/14; 09/12/04; 10/01/01; 10/05/02; IV 22/37/01); and the interruption of a family burial by the people, the abduction of the corpse (ἁρπάζειν), and the transformation of the burial of a benefactor into a public burial (I.Knidos 71; SEG XLV 1502; L 1109; Philostratos, Vitae sophist. XV 20; cf. EBGR 2000, 91). Normative interventions attempted to limit the circle of those who were polluted by coming into contact with the corpse to the closest family members. In private monuments, emphatic mention of physical contact with the corpse in the relevant sources aimed at demonstrating emotional connection with a family member; the transfor­mation of the burial of a benefactor to a public funeral aimed at creating the illusion that the benefactor and the people constituted a virtual family.

14227) D. Clay, Archilochos Heros. The Cult of Poets in the Greek Polis, Washington, DC, 2005 [SEG LV 292, 562-564, 890, 910, 912, 940-941, 956, 973, 1126, 1269, 1273, 1276, 1334, 2051]: Based on an exhaustive collection of the relevant literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence, C. presents a thorough study of the cult of poets and posthumous honours awarded to them. The largest part of the book is dedicated to the best known cult, that of Archilochos in Paros (9-62, 104-124: SEG XV 517; IG XII 5, 445). The evidence for the cult of Homer is also collected (p. 136-143), especially in Ios (142: IG XII 5, 15), Chios (140f.: Kaibel, EG 860; SEG XXX 1073), possibly Delos (Homereion: I.Délos 443 Bb 147, 178 BCE; p. 141), Notion (142: Homereion), Pergamon (88f. and 137f.: I.Pergamon 203), and Alexandria [for Delos, see EBGR 2003, 49. In the case of Chios, according to a restoration of SEG XXX 1073 lines 34-36 (A. Chaniotis, Historie und Historiker in den griechischen Inschriften, Stuttgart, 1988, p. 94 and 988f.: διὰ τὴμ περιγεγονυῖαν τῆι πόλει δόξ[αν ἀπὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ] ... [εἰς κατα]|σκευὴμ βωμοῦ ταῖς Μούσαις καὶ [Ὁμήρωι]) this decree refers to an altar for the worship of the Muses and Homer]. Other poets discussed by C. include Pindar (p. 78: IG II² 8883 = GV 894), Sophocles, worshipped as Dexion in Athens (p. 78f. and 151: IG II² 1252-1253), Poseidippos of Kassandreia (p. 150: IG II² 1320 LL. 14/15; 1331; I.Délos 2486), Poseidippos of Pella (p. 84-86 and 150: SEG XLII 691 b), Arideiktes or Rhodes (86f. and 129f.: GVI 1451), Antigonos of Knidos (p. 84 and 129/130. I.Knidos 301). Clay also discusses the cult of Bias of Priene (131f.: I.Priene 111, 113, and 117), the Mouseion founded by Epikteta on Thera (72-74: IG XII 3, 330) and the cult of the athlete Theogenes in Thasos (p. 69-71 and 125f.: LSCG Suppl. 72). Following P. Roesch, C. suspects that a list of members of a cult association in Thespiai (SEG XXXII 503; c. 400-350; pp. 87 and 153) is connected with the cult of the poet Thamyris (cf. line 2: θαμυριδδόντων), whose statue was seen by Pausanias (IX, 3, 2) in the Valley of the Muses. [This is improbable. A cult association of worshippers of Thamyris would be called Θαμυρισταί and not θαμυρίζοντες. The present participle θαμυριδδόντων expresses a temporary function (cf. ἱα[ρ]αρχίοντος and ἁγιομένων) and not a cult. Only two members of the association are designated as θαμυρίδδοντες (θαμυριδδόντων Πισάνδρω, Δαμοκλεῖος); they were the presidents of the association’s assembly (cf. Hesychios, s.v. θάμυρις = assembly)]. The boundary stone of the land of a cult association of worshippers of the Muses in Thespiai (IG VII 1785, late 3rd cent.) is probably not connected with a cult of Hesiod (136: τῶν συνθυτάων τᾶμ Μωσάων τῶν Εἰσιοδείων = ‘those who join in sacrifice to the Muses of Hesiod’) [cf. EBGR 2004, 17].

14328) K. Clinton, “Pigs in Greek Rituals”, in Greek Sacrificial Ritual, p. 167-179 [SEG LV 2091]: Making ample use of cult regulations, C. distinguishes between two separate functions of pigs, piglets, and pregnant sows in Greek sacrificial ritual. When sacrificed at the Thesmophoria, pigs were deposited in pits in order to promote fertility; only this type of sacrifice can be designated as ‘chthonian’. Pigs were often used in purifications of places (e.g. Kos: LSCG 156 A 13-20; Athens: IG II² 1672; Delos: IG XI 2, 146 A and 199 A; I.Délos 338; Andania: IG V 1, 1390; Erythrai: I.Erythrai 207 = LSAM 26); in this case, they were not carried around the place, with their blood dripping, but instead they were entirely burned on an altar. In the case of a cult regulation from Erythrai, which mentions a sacrifice to the ὄπισθε θεαί, C. tentatively identifies these goddesses as wrathful spirits. The sacrifice of a pig in the Selinuntian regulation concerning purifications (SEG XLIII 630) is a normal sacrifice (not a purificatory one), marking the purificand’s re-entry into normal life.

14429) F. Costabile, “Defixiones dal Kerameikós di Atene”, MEP 9/10 (2004/05), p. 137-192 [SEG LIV 395-399]: Ed. pr. of three curse tablets from Kerameikos in Athens. 1) A curse against the crewmen of two ships (early 4th cent.): Ἕνης τὸ ἐργαστήριον τὸ Ἑρμεν [κ]α[ὶ]? Εὐπορίας ὠμῶν νοῦς τρύχω. [Ἀ]νδοκ<ί>δης ἑρμοκο[πίδης]. According to C.’s interpretation the defigens cursed the crew (ἐργαστήριον) of a ship called Hene; the crew was known by the nickname Hermes. He also cursed the cruel mind of the crew of another ship, called Euporia; both ships belonged to the famous orator Andokides. 2) A fragmentary defixio apparently concerning a [stolen?] garment (2nd/1st cent.): [--]Ρ̣ στόλιον | [-- κ]αταδηννύω | [--] πρὸς πάντας |[--] ἀνθρώπους | [--] ἀτιμίαν. 3) A curse written on both sides of a lead tablet (c. 400-375); on one side, the formula τὰς γλώτας τούτων καταδῶ is used (which implies a judicial defixio); on the other side a curse is addressed (κατα<α>δῶ) against Natyrinos, another two men, and six supporters of Natyrinos (καὶ ὅσοι μὲ Νατυρίνος εἰσι = ὅσοι μετὰ Νατυρίνου εἰσι). The names of the cursed persons are written sinistrorsum. C. also presents improved editions of two other curse tablets. 4) SEG XXX 325(2): a defixio addressed against the supporters of the pro-Macedonian statesmen in Athens (ca. 317-307). C. argues that the name of Eunomos of Peiraeus (L. 6) was added later by a different hand: 5) In SEG XLIX 314 (late 5th cent.), we note here the restoration ἐπήλυ[θον?] (aorist of ἐπέρχομαι as an expression of cursing) and the use of the verb ἀνατίθημι (ἀνθέμε[νος]; ‘I consecrate (to the chthonic gods)’.

14530) M.-T. Couilloud-Le Dinahet, “Les rituels funéraires en Asie Mineure et en Syrie à l’époque hellénistique (jusqu’au milieu du ier siècle av. J.-C.)”, Pallas 62 (2003), p. 65-95: Making ample use of the relevant inscriptions, the author gives a very good overview of funerary practices in Hellenistic Asia Minor and Syria, discussing inter alia the graves of members of the elite; funerary monuments for fallen warriors; public funerals; the heroization of the dead; and the protection of the graves.

14631) O. Curty, “Un usage fort controversé : la parenté dans le langage diplomatique de l’époque hellénistique”, AncSoc 35 (2005) 101-117 [BE 2006, 136]: The significance of the term συγγένεια in Greek interstate relations and its connection with concrete mythological narratives have been the subject of a controversy (see EBGR 1997, 403). Recently, S. Lücke, Syngeneia. Epigraphisch-historische Studien zu einem Phänomen der antiken griechischen Diplomatie, Frankfurt, 2000, argued that when the word συγγένεια was used to describe the relation between cities and peoples, it did not have its usual meaning of a ‘blood relationship’, but a broad and metaphorical meaning. Based on a close analysis of this term in inscriptions and literary sources (with emphasis on the relations of Priene with Athens and Boiotia), C. rejects this view and plausibly argues that συγγένεια between communities did not differ from συγγένεια between individuals.

14732) G.B. D’Alessio, “Some Notes on the Salmakis Inscription”, in The Salmakis Inscription, p. 43-57: D. comments on the metrical inscription from Halikarnassos (cf. infra nos. 64-66). We single out his comments on the cult of Aphrodite Schoinis (‘Aphrodite of the Reeds’, possibly related to the Samian cult of Aphrodite; see Lykophron, Alex., 832), on the myth of Zeus’ birth, and on Hermaphroditos.

14833) P. Debord, “Le culte royal chez les Séleucides”, Pallas 62 (2003), p. 281-308: D. gives an overview of the cult of the Seleucids kings by the army and the cities, and the cult which was centrally organized by the dynasty, with particular reference to the cult of Antiochos III in Sardeis, Teos, Amyzon, and Xanthos, and to the relations of the Seleucids to Zeus. D. discusses the copies of Antiochos’ III letters, which concern the establishment of the office of the archiereus.

14934) M.P. de Hoz, “Inscripciones griegas de Oriente introducidas en España por el comercio de antiguedades”, ZPE 155 (2006), p. 145-149 [BE 2006, 381]: The author discusses an epitaph dedicated by Sortias to his daughter and his sister (SEG XXXVIII 1918, possibly from Lykia). The last line (παραμένων Ἥρωνι) had been interpreted by J. Nieto Ibáñez as a reference to the institution of paramone. Instead, de Hoz proposes the reading παραμένων ἥρωνι (‘sobreviviendo; (dedicado) a la difunta heroizada’).

15035) M.P. de Hoz, “Literacy in Rural Anatolia: The Testimony of the Confession Inscriptions”, ZPE 155 (2006), p. 139-144 [BE 2006, 352]: After summarizing the character and content of the ‘confession inscriptions’, de Hoz stresses the importance of the written narrative of divine punishment (μαρτυρέω, μαρτύριον) as an expression of piety. She argues that deviations from standard language in these texts may be indications that the texts were written by the worshippers, not the priests. Consequently, these texts provide valuable evidence for literacy.

15136) N. Deshours, Les mystères d’Andania. Étude d’épigraphie et d’histoire religieuses, Bordeaux, 2006 [BE 2007, 301]: D. presents a critical edition, translation (p. 27-46) [cf. infra no. 98], and exhaustive commentary of the cult regulation of the mysteries of Andania (IG V 1, 1390; LSCG 65) [on the date (24 CE and not 91/90 BCE) see now EBGR 2004, 268; but cf. the doubts of S. Minon and L. Dubois, BE 2007, 301]. She discusses the measures taken by Mnasistratos and the city of Messene for the re-organisation of the cult (p. 65-97), the regulations concerning order in the sanctuary, supplication, the punishment of crimes committed during the festival (99-114), and the various aspects of the celebration (oaths, procession, sacrifices, the rites of the mysteries; 115-137). A large part of the book is dedicated to a close study of Pausanias and other sources for a reconstruction of the religious history of Messene (the question whether there were cults of the helotes and the perioikoi, possible Spartan influences), the significance of religious traditions and legends for the development of a Messenian identity, and the development of the mysteries in the Imperial period. Among D.’s contributions to the interpretation of the mysteries of Andania, we single out her view that the cult regulation marked the restoration of an early cult, the identification of the Great Gods in the Karneasion with the Dioskouroi, the study of the prominent part played by Demeter in this cult, and the distinction between the mysteries in the sanctuary called Karneiasion and the festival of the Karneia.

15237) A. Doulgeri-Intzesiloglou, “Τὸ Ἀσκληπιεῖο τῆς Πεπαρήθου”, in Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Ἔργο Θεσσαλίας καὶ Στερεᾶς Ἑλλάδας I, p. 263-281: Overview of the history and architecture of the sanctuary of Asklepios (and Apollo?) at Peparethos (Skopelos). The finds include a dedication to Asklepios.

15338) B. Dreyer – H. Engelmann, “Augustus und Germanicus im ionischen Metropolis”, ZPE 158 (2006), p. 173-182 [BE 2007, 446]: Ed. pr. of several important inscriptions from Metropolis. Three altars found in the theatre are connected with the Imperial cult (p. 173-175). One of the altars is dedicated to Augustus, the other two are designated as altars for the cult ‘of the propitiating Caesar’ (Καίσαρος εἱλαστηρίου); this unique epithet underscored Augustus’ achievement in establishing peace. Another altar, also from the theatre, is dedicated to Germanicus Iulius Caesar by a priest (of Germanicus) [this is not unequivocally stated in the text]; the altar is designated as ἄσυλος, i.e. it could be used by suppliants (c. 4-19 CE; p. 174f.). The most important inscription contains excerpts of the famous dossier concerning the introduction of the Julian calendar in the province of Asia (p. 175-182, 9 BCE); copies of the relevant documents have been found in Priene and Apameia. The inscription begins with the edict of the governor Paulus Fabius Maximus concerning the celebration of Augustus’ birthday (lines 1-35); the decree of the Koinon of Asia follows (lines 36-51). The new copy makes the restoration of several passages possible, especially lines 37-43: ἐπεὶ πᾶσαν ἡ διατάξασα τὸν βίον ἡμῶν [Π]ρόνοια σπουδὴν εἰσενενκαμένη καὶ φιλοτιμίαν τὸ τελειότατον τῷ βίῳ διεκόσμησεν ἀγαθὸν ἐνενκαμένη τὸν Σεβ[α]στόν, ὃν εἰς εὐεργεσίαν ἀνθρ[ώ]πων ἐκ πάσης ἐπλήρω[σ]εν ἀρετῆς, ὥσπερ ἡμεῖν καὶ τοῖς μεθ᾿ ἡμᾶς ἀνθ᾿ ἑαυτῆς [θ]εὸν δοῦσα, τὸν παύσαντα μ[ὲ]ν πόλεμον, κοσμήσαντα δὲ [ε]ἰρήνην. [The editors read [θ]εόν, δοῦσα τὸν παύσαντα (‘wie einen Gott an ihrer Stelle hervorgebracht hat, und uns den Mann geschenkt hat’); I understand [θ]εόν as the object of δοῦσα: ‘since the Provision, which has ordered our life, has shown every zeal and fervour and has provided the most perfect good for our life by bringing Augustus, whom she has filled with every virtue, so that he can be a benefactor to men, and has given him to us and to our descendants as a god, to represent her, the one who has put war to an end and has adorned the peace’; as the editors point out, divine provision sent Augustus to the world as her representative.] Also the passage concerning Augustus’ birthday can now be restored: ἦρξεν δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ τῶν δι᾿ αὐτὸν εὐανγελίων ἡ γεν[έ]θλιος ἡμέρα τοῦ θεοῦ (lines 47-48) [‘the birhday of the god has marked for the world the beginning of the the good tidings, which he has brought forth’].

15439) P. Ducrey – C. Calame, “Notes de sculpture et d’épigraphie en Béotie. II. Une base de statue portant la signature de Lysippe de Sicyone à Thèbes”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 63-81: Ed. pr. of the inscribed base of a bronze statue made by Lysippos [already mentioned in EBGR 1999, 63]; it was found in Boiotia, but the exact provenance is unknown (c. 372-364 BCE). According to an honorary epigram, the statue was dedicated by Hippias to Zeus Saotas. It represented a military commander (probably the dedicant himself), who increased the glory of Thebes. The cult of Zeus Saotas is known in Thespiai (Paus. IX, 26, 7-8), where this statue may have been dedicated.

15540) C. Durvye, “Aphrodite à Délos : culte privé et public à l’époque hellénistique”, REG 119 (2006), p. 83-113 [BE 2007, 22]: D. reconstructs the development of the cult of Aphrodite on Delos from the 4th to the 1st cent. In addition to the public cult of Aphrodite, attested through references to dedications and to the festival of the Aphrodisia in the Delian accounts and inventories, in the late 4th cent. Stesileos founded a private sanctuary, which was under the care of members of his family until the 2nd cent.; the cult of Aphrodite was connected with two commemorative festivals established by Stesileos in 302 BCE and by his daughter Echenike in 250 BCE (Stesileia and Echenikeia). D. argues that the foundation of the sanctuary was connected with private piety and self-staging of a family. The Delian accounts and inventories provide information concerning the cult statue, the altar, and the temple (cf. I.Délos 1417 A II lines 1-21). In the period of Athenian domination (after 167 BCE), in which foreign cults became public cults, the sanctuary lost its semi-private character and came under the supervision of the Athenian authorities (cf. I.Délos 1810-1811).

15641) E. Eidinow, “An Inscription in the Basement of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford”, ZPE 156 (2006), p. 113-116: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary inscription, a dedication to Apollon or a boundary stone of a sanctuary of Apollon, probably from Naukratis (late 6th/early 5th cent.), now in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford.

15742) H. Engelmann, “Zur Lykiarchie”, ZPE 158 (2006), p. 183-186 [BE 2007, 467]: Ed. pr. of an honorary inscription for the high priest of the Sebastoi in Lykia and secretary of the Lykian Koinon M. Aurelius Dionysios, a descendant of Lykiarchs (Patara, early 3rd cent. CE). The great significance of this text rests in the formulation ἐπὶ τῇ [πρὸς τ]ὴν Λυκιαρχίαν φιλο[τ]ιμίᾳ. The high priest is honoured for his good conduct as a Lykiarches. This settles once and for all the question whether archiereus and Lykiarches were separate functions [cf. EBGR 2005, 53; M. Zimmermann, “Die Archiereis des lykischen Bundes. Prosopographische Überlegunen zu den Kaiserpriestern”, in C. Schuler (ed.), Griechische Epigraphik in Lykien. Eine Zwischenbilanz. Akten des Int. Koloquiums, München, 24.-26. Februar 2005, Vienna, 2007, p. 111-120]. They were not. The term Lykiarches comprised all the different functions of the president of the Koinon, i.e. his function as a high priest and his function in the administration of the Koinon (grammateus). In the same article E. republishes a dedication of Dionysios, after the end of his term as Lykiarches, to Theos Hypsistos, Meter Oreia, Kele[- -] (Kelenaios Theos?), and all the gods and goddesses in expression of his gratitude (Neisa; TAM II 3, 737).

15843) F. Eraslan – M. Facella – E. Winter, “Neue Funde im Museum Adiyaman aus der Nekropole von Perrhe (Pirun)”, AST 23.1 (2005) [2006], p. 57-62: Ed. pr. of a relief dedicated by a soldier in fulfilment of an oracle; it depicts Zeus Dolichenos in military attire (Perrhe in Kommagene, 2nd cent. CE): Γάϊος Ἰούλιος Παῦλος | τὸν θεὸν Δολίχεος | στρατιώτης | ἀνέθεκεν | χ[ρ]ηματισθείς [to be understood as ‘a soldier from Doliche’ (Δολίχεος στρατιώτης), not ‘an den Gott von Doliche’].

15944) A. Fennet, “Sanctuaires marins du canal d’Otrante”, in E. Deniaux (ed.), Le canal d’Otrante et la Méditerranée antique et médiévale. Colloque organisé à l’Université de Paris X – Nanterre (20-21 novembre 2000), Bari, 2005, p. 39-49: Overview of the cults of deities, who were regarded as patrons of seafarers in the straits of Otranto: Zeus in the cave Porcinara near Leuke; Zeus Kassios in Kassope on Korkyra; Aphrodite and Eros at Orikos (Illyria).

16045) C. Feyel, Les artisans dans les sanctuaires grecs aux époques classique et hellénistique à travers la documentation financière en Grèce, Athens-Paris, 2006 [BE 2007, 171]: Based on a detailed, comparative analysis of the accounts concerning building activities in five important sanctuaries (the Erechtheion on the Athenian Acropolis, Eleusis, Delphi, Epidauros, and Delos), F. presents a reliable, differentiated, reconstruction of the socio-economic position of craftsmen and the organisation of large construction works from the late fifth to the second century BCE [for the Eleusinian accounts see now K. Clinton, Eleusis. The Inscriptions on Stone, Athens, 2005, esp. p. 163-169 no. 159 and 188-206 no. 177]. We single out the discussion of the relationship between craftsmen, entrepreneurs, and administrators (p. 439-521), which is relevant for the study of Greek sanctuaries. F. points out that the different administrative structure of the sanctuaries affected the planning of building activities, as only the Delian hieropoioi had substantial flexibility in their budget. F. discusses the mixed and distant geographical origin of artisans working in Delphi, Epidauros, and Delos, as opposed to the primarily local recruitment for the Athenian projects (p. 341-368), the different degrees of specialisation, and the significant differences in wages and salaries.

16146) J. Fournier, “La société thasienne et l’Empire sous les Julio-Claudiens : deux inscriptions inédites”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 499-518: Ed. pr. of a dedication made by the priestess of Livia (Θεᾶς Ἰουλίας Σεβαστῆς ἡ ἱέρηα) for the well-being of Livia’s family/household (ὑπὲρ [τοῦ] σύνπαντος αὐτ[ῆς οἴκ]ου). The priestess dedicated an exedra near the agora (Thasos, c. 14-29 CE).

16247) J. Fournier – P. Hamon, “Ἐπιγραφὲς τῆς Θάσου: Νέα εὑρήματα καὶ προοπτικὴ δημοσίευσης ἑνὸς ἀναθεωρημένου corpus”, AEMTh 20 (2006) [2008], p. 51-60: The authors report the discovery of two important texts (Thasos, early 4th cent.). The first inscription is a fragment of the Thasian decree concerning public funerals and honours for the war-dead (LSCG Suppl. 64). The clauses in the new fragment provide for support offered to those orphans of the war-dead who were in need, as well as for honours for non-citizens (metics and others), who had died in war, and privileges for their sons. The second text is an honorary inscription for a benefactor, who had funded the restoration of a sanctuary (of Artemis?) in the late Hellenistic or early Imperial period [now published; see infra no 48].

16348) J. Fournier – C. Prêtre, “Un mécène au service d’une déesse thasienne: décret pour Stilbôn”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 487-497: Ed. pr. of a decree of Thasos concerning a donation by Stilbon. Along with his wife Stilbon offered to cover the expenses for the restoration of buildings and the construction of additional buildings in the sanctuary of a goddess (probably Artemis) in order to honour her ([--] τῆς θεᾶς τιμήν, [ἀναδέχεται] τά τε δεόμενα ἐπισκευῆς ἐπι[σκευ]άσαι καὶ τὰ δέοντα κατασκευῆ[ς] κατασκευάσαι, κοινοποιούμενος τὴν πρὸς τὴν θεὰν τιμὴν τῆι γυναικὶ ἑαυτοῦ). The city accepted this donation (choregia) setting at Stilbon’s disposal the public slaves (Thasos, mid-1st cent. CE).

16449) M. Frasca, “Hera a Leontinoi”, in R. Giglii (ed.), Μεγάλαι νῆσοι. Studi dedicati a Giovanni Rizza per il suo ottantesimo compleanno II, Catania, 2005, p. 137-145: A sanctuary excavated in Leontinoi may be attributed to Hera. It was established in the 7th cent.; a monumental altar was built in the second half of the 6th cent.; the sanctuary was destroyed in the eartly 5th cent. B.C. The finds include vases with graffiti with the letters hη and a sima with the text [--]ΡΗΣΜΝ[--] which F. restores as [Ἥ]ρης μν[ημεῖον].

16550) P.-L. Gatier – P. Lombard – K. M. Al-Sindi, “Greek Inscriptions from Bahrain”, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 13.2 (2002), p. 223-233 [SEG LII 1736-1737]: Ed. pr. of two dedications from Tylos (Bahrain) [now in I.Estremo Oriente 427 and 431]. The governor of Tylos and the islands dedicated a temple to the Dioskouroi Soteres on behalf of the king of Charakene (1; c. 129-124). Another dedication was made in fulfilment of a vow of a sailor or sailors after safe return from a sea voyage (4; 1st cent.).

16651) P. Gauthier, “Les décrets de Colophon-sur-mer en l’honneur des Attalides Athènaios et Philètairos”, REG 119 (2006), p. 473-503: G. presents a improved edition of the decree of Kolophon by the Sea (c. 180-160) in honour of Athenaios, the youngest son of Attalos I (p. 474-494; M. Holleaux, Études d’épigraphie et d’histoire grecques II, Paris, 1938, p. 51-60). According to the decree, Athenaios’ statue was to be placed in the sanctuary of Apollon Klarios, near the statue of queen Apollonis and his brothers. His cult was established in the gymnasion. The annually elected gymnasiarchos was to perform a sacrifice and organize a race of the young men and ephebes in the Homereion (the gymnasion of Kolophon) on Athenaios’ birthday; a race of the boys was to take place on the same day in the Homereion, until a palaistra for the boys was built, under the supervision of the paidonomos. The decree contains detailed provisions about the distribution of the meat of the sacrificial animal. A portion was preserved as ἆθλα for the winners in the race (in addition to other prizes, which might be decided in the future). The rest was distributed by the gymnasiarchos to the ἀλειψάμενοι (those who had participated in the contests or those who had exercised in the gymnasion?), the council, the magistrates, the priests, the prytanis, the prophetes, the sacred council, the winners of staphanitai contests, the hierokeryx, and the scribes. G. discusses in detail the contests that took place in the gymnasion.

16752) S. Giannobile, “Filatterio contro il mal di testa nella tomba di Iulia”, JAC 48/49 (2005/06), p. 54-67: Ed. pr. of an inscribed gold lamina found near Forum Fulvii (early 2nd cent. CE). The phylactery consists of sacred names (ανοχ, βαιανιωχ, σελ βαι ανοχ οεινη νωφρι ανοχ ηκαρ ανοχ σε κουθμω σε [.]κοωφρις) followed by an invocation aiming at stopping the headache of a woman (τῆς Ἰουλίας Εὐφημίας παῦσον τὴν κεφαλαλγίαν ... ἀπαλλαξ τῆς κεφαλαργίας Ἰουλίαν). G. provides numerous parallels for the formulae and a detailed discussion of the use of phylacteries for the healing of headaches.

16853) Gorny & Mosch. Giessener Münzhandlung. Auktion 150. Kunst der Antike. 11. Juli 2006, Munich, 2006: This auction catalogue contains several inscriptions of a religious interest, but unfortunately, of unknown provenance [W. Günther, who has sent us xeroxes of the catalogue, has read the texts]. A bronze statuette (c. 500 BC) of a young man [a victorious athlete?] is inscribed on the right-hand side with the dedicatory inscription Ἀργολικὸς ἀνέθεκε (p. 23 no. 18). Two dedicatory reliefs [certainly from Asia Minor] are inscribed. One of them shows two worshippers and a servant approaching a seated goddess (Kybele); under a dedicatory inscription [read from the photo: Θεῷ Πεισματηνῇ εὐχήν], there is a representation of a rider and a bull (p. 115 no. 306). The second relief depicts Zeus with a libation bowl and Apollon Kitharodos (p. 115 no. 307). [Read from the photo: [Μένανδρος Ἀπολλωνίου | [Δι]ὶ Αὐλαίωι καὶ Ἀπόλ|[λ]ωνι Γερμηνῶι εὐχήν]; Apollon’s epithet derives from Germe in Mysia; see EBGR 1997, 365.] A grave inscription, inscribed on the base of a bust of a woman [not a man, as erroneously stated in the catalogue. Part of the inscription can be read from the photo: ᾧδε κατάκειται Ἀμμιάς, Τρύφωνος καὶ | Ἀμμίας γεναμένη θυγάτηρ, Μενε|κράτους δὲ τοῦ ἱερέως γεναμέ|νη γυνή, καὶ αὐτὴ γεναμένη | ἱέρεια σεμνοτάτη καὶ [---]. Ammias, daughter of Tryphon and Ammia, was wife of the priest Menekrates and a priestess herself]. A magical gem with the typical representation of Abrasax is inscribed with the magical names Ἰαω, Ἀβρασάξ (p. 103 no. 278). Three other gems are inscribed with voces magicae (276: Σθονβαθλ μαλακσθον βαλακαλα υοληα βραλπμ αως βραλμπ ΣΣΣ; 277: Βοηθοῦ, σιμοιπαηταση; 279: νωος σφεζσφε ιεσεσ).

16954) Y. Grandjean – F. Salviat, “Règlements du Délion de Thasos”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 293-327: Ed. pr. of a stele from Thasos, which contains two decrees concerning cult regulations (early 4th cent.). The first decree prevents women from entering the sanctuary of Apollon Delios and Artemis during the Thesmophoria (τοῖς Θεσμοφορίοις ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Δηλίου καὶ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος γυναῖκα μὴ ἐσιέναι μηδεμίαν); this sanctuary, excavated in 2003, is located near the Thesmophorion. The hieropoios of Apollon – a hitherto unattested official – was responsible for closing the sanctuary during the Thesmophoria (ὅπως δ᾿ ἂν τὸ ἱρὸν κεκλεμένον ἦι τοῖς Θε[σ]μοφορίοις ἐπιμέλεσθαι τὸν ἱροποιὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τὸν ἑκάστοτε ἐόντα). If a woman violated this regulation, she would be liable to a punishment designated as ἐνθυμιστόν (ἥτις δ᾿ ἄν εἰσέλθῃ ἐνθυμιστὸν αὐτῆι εἶναι; see infra). This regulation aimed at keeping good order during the Thesmophoria. The second decree orders the publication of an earlier decree prohibiting women from creating enclosures (φράσσειν) in order to keep livestock in this sanctuary (τὸ ψήφισμα [τ]ὸ γεγενημένον περὶ τῶν [κ]τηνέων τοῦ μὴ φρά[σ]σεν ἐν τῶ ἱερῶι τῆς Δηλίης). This time, the sanctuary is designated as the ‘sanctuary of the Delian goddess’, i.e. Artemis, who was the primary deity. Obviously, this sanctuary owned land and sacred groves. The editors give a detailed discussion of cult regulations prohibiting the keeping of livestock in sanctuaries. The expenses for the publication were to be paid by the hieromnemon. The new decree also made an addition to the earlier decree: if a woman acted against this decree, she would be liable to ἐνθυμιστόν (ἣ δ᾿ ἂν ποῆι παρὰ τὸ ψήφισμα ἐνθυμιστὸν αὐτῆι εἶναι). The term ἐνθυμιστόν, only known from Thasos (LSCG Suppl. 64 and 72), designates a religious punishment, which cannot be determined with certainty; it seems to designate moral condemnation and bad conscience (cf. LSCG 130 = IG XII 3, 183: ἐν νῶι ἐσσεῖται), but it may also imply exclusion from cult. [It is interesting to note that the violations of these decrees by women did not result in the payment of a fine, but in religious punishment. Was this done in order to avoid a financial liability on their kyrios or because the threat of religious punishment appeared more effective?]. G.-S. give an overview of the diffusion of the cult of the ‘Delian gods’ in the Aegean. The cult of Apollon Delios and Artemis Delia was introduced to Thasos from Paros.

17055) A. Greaves, “The Cult of Aphrodite in Miletos and its Colonies”, AS 54 (2004), p. 27-34: Collection of the predominantly epigraphic evidence for the cult of Aphrodite in Miletos and its colonies (Histria, Olbia, Kepoi, Prokonnesos, Naukratis, the cities of the Bosporan Kingdom).

17156) A. Hadzidimitriou, “Χάλκινο ἐνεπίγραφο σταθμίο ἀπό τοὺς Ζάρακες Καρυστίας”, in Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Ἔργο Θεσσαλίας καὶ Στερεᾶς Ἑλλάδας I, p. 221-268. Ed. pr. of a bronze weight with a ram head in relief on top and a pointed inscription (Ἀπόλλωνος Δηλίο) along its sides (Zarex, Euboia, 4th cent.). H. discusses the use of the ram as a symbol and the role played by Zarex on the route of the Hyperborean offerings to Delos (cf. Herodotos, IV, 33).

17257) P. Hamon, “Un prêtre des dieux boulaioi dans le bâtiment du Conseil de Cos”, Chiron 36 (2006), p. 151-168: H. presents a new edition of a Koan fragmentary inscription (IscrCos ED 32), which he identifies as a regulation concerning the sale of the priesthood of the gods worshipped by the council. According to his restoration, the text refers to the cult of the gods (line 5: [τὰν θ]εραπείων τῶν θεῶν), the performance of sacrifices, the right of the priest to wear a (gold) crown on festive days and receive an honorary portion from sacrifices (lines 6-8: ὁ τὰ[ν ἱερωσύναν πριάμενος στεφανειφορείτω ἐν ταῖς] ἐπιφανέσι ἁμέραις καὶ θεραπ[ευέτω τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ ἐξέστω αὐτῶι τὰ νομιζόμε]να γέρη λαμβάνεν), and his duty to perform the prayers during the assemblies in the bouleuterion (lines 11-12: ἐπευχέσθω δὲ καὶ ἐ]ν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ταῖς συντελουμέναις ἐν τῶι βουλε[υτηρίωι, ἐπεί κα τὰ ἱερὰ συντε]λῆται τοῖς θεοῖς). One tenth of the price for this priesthood was to be spent on the decoration of the statues in the bouleuterion (line 15: [ἕν]εκεν τᾶς τῶν ἀγαλμάτων τῶν ἐν τῶι βουλευτηρίωι ἐπι[κο]μήσιος). The cult of Zeus Boulaios and Hestia Boulaia were attested in Kos. H. briefly comments on the cults of the council in the Hellenistic period.

17358) H. Harrauer, “Ein Spendengefäss für Triphis”, in F. Beutler – W. Hameter (eds.), “Eine ganz normale Inschrift” ... und ähnliches zum Geburtstag von Ekkehard Weber. Festschrift zum 30. April 2005, Vienna, 2005, p. 289-292: Ed. pr. of a dedication inscribed on an alabaster vase used for libations; Tachratis dedicated the vase to Thriphis, θεὰ μεγίστη (Egypt, 9 CE).

17459) B. Helly, “Décret de Larisa pour Bombos, fils d’Alkaios, et pour Leukios, fils de Nikasias, citoyens d’Alexandrie de Troade (ca 150 av. J.-C.)”, Chiron 36 (2006), p. 171-203: H. republishes an important honorary decree for Bombos of Alexandreia Troas, a historian or orator, who visited Larisa in c. 150 BCE. In his public lectures in the gymnasion, Bombos ‘commemorated both in his treatises and in his lectures the glorious events that have occurred with regard to the Lariseans and renewed the kinship and the friendship between the two cities’ (lines 15-18: [συνεμνεμονεύσατο? ἔ]ν τε τοῖς πεπραγματευμένοις αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκροάσεσσιν τοῦν γεγενημένουν ἐνδόξουν Λαρισαίοις καὶ τάν τε συγγένειαν καὶ φιλίαν ταῖς πολίεσσι π[ὸ]θ᾿ εὑτὰς ὀνενε[ούσατο]). [In this translation, I understand τοῦν ἐνδόξουνas neuter (glorious deeds); Helly (p. 173 and 198) who translates ‘des personnages qui ont été fameux chez les Lariséens’, thinks of glorious men. But the text reads τοῦν γεγενημένουν ἐνδόξουν Λαρισαίοις and not τοῦν γεγενημένουν ἐνδόξουν Λαρισαίουν; as we can infer from parallels, Bombos probably treated wars, foundation myths, and miracles of local gods; see A. Chaniotis, “Travelling Memories in the Hellenistic World”, in R. Hunter – I. Rutherford (eds), Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture: Travel, Locality, and Panhellenism, Cambridge, 2009, p. 249-269]. This decree was published in the sanctuary of Apollon Kerdoios (line 31).

17560) A. Henrichs, “‘Sacrifice as to the Immortals’. Modern Classifications of Animal Sacrifice and Ritual Distinctions in the Lex Sacra from Selinous”, in Greek Sacrificial Ritual, p. 47-58: H. tests the validity of modern classifications of sacrifice (‘blood ritual’ vs. ‘fire ritual’, ‘Speiseopfer’ vs. ‘Vernichtungsopfer’, ‘Olympian’ vs. ‘chthonian’, ‘marked’ vs. ‘unmarked’, ‘divine’ vs. ‘heroic’) through a study of the clauses concerning sacrifice in the cult regulation of Selinous concerning purification. He notes the juxtaposition of sacrifices ‘as to the gods’, which did not need an explanation, and sacrifices ‘as to the heroes’, which needed to be specified because they implied deviation from the norm. Deviations from the norm are observed in sacrifices to the impure Tritopatores (pouring libations of wine ‘through the roof’, burning the ninth portion of the animal), to the pure Tritopatores (wineless libations), and to Elasteros (‘as to the gods’, but slaughtering the animal so that its blood flows into the earth).

17661) A. Hermary, “Autres cultes dans le sanctuaire”, in S. Fourrier – A. Hermary, Amathonte VI. Le sanctuaire d’Aphrodite, des origines au début de l’époque impériale, Paris, 2006, p. 160-164: A dedication to Sarapis, Isis, Aphrodite (or Isis Aphrodite) and their synnaoi theoi for the well-being of Ptolemy VIII, Kleopatra III, and their children, in the sanctuary of Aphrodite in Amathous can now be restored thanks to the discovery of an additional small fragment.

17762) B.C. Intzesiloglou, “Ἡ Ἰτωνία Ἀθηνᾶ καὶ τὸ Θεσσαλικὸ ὁμοσπονδιακὸ ἱερό της στὴ Φίλια Καρδίτσας”, in Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Ἔργο Θεσσαλίας καὶ Στερεᾶς Ἑλλάδας I, p. 2006, p. 221-237 [BE 2007, 351]: Overview of the results of the excavations in a sanctuary at Filia Karditsas (Thessaly), which can be identified as the sanctuary of Athena Itonia. I. discusses the significance of this sanctuary as federal sanctuary of the Thessalians (cf. SEG XXV 653-654; XXXIV 558; LIII 849).

17863) B. Iplikçioğlu, “Bati Pamphylia ve dogû Lykia’da epigrafya araştirmalari 2004”, AST 23.1 (2005) [2006], p. 219-224: In his report on recent epigraphic research in Lykia and Pamphylia, I. mentions several inscriptions from Rhodiapolis. They include dedications of honorific statues to the gods; an honorific inscription for a boy victor in wrestling at the Serapeia Apolloneia; and the end of a honorific inscription for a priestess for life of Meter Theon, who dedicated statues in the goddess’ sanctuary. [This inscription is of particular interest because at the beginning it refers to the construction at the expenses of this woman of a crown: [κατεσκεύ]ασεν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων χρυσοῦν στέφανον ἔνλιθον σὺν τοῖς ἀπεικονίσμασιν τῶν Σεβαστῶν (‘she had constructed at her own expense a golden crown with inlaid stones and with representations of the emperors’); this must have been the crown of the high priestess of the imperial cult.]

17964) S. Isager, “The Salmakis Inscription: Some Reactions to the Editio Princeps”, in The Salmakis Inscription, p. 9-13: I. summarizes recent publications concerning the date, the author, and the content of this very important metrical inscription from Halikarnassos, which refers to local myths (EBGR 1998, 130; SEG XLVIII 1330).

18065) S. Isager, “Halikarnassos and the Ptolemies I: Inscriptions on Public Buildings”, in The Salmakis Inscription, p. 133-114: In a study of the relations of Halikarnassos with the Ptolemies, who controlled the city in c. 280-195, I. republishes an inscription which commemorates the dedication of a stoa to Apollon and a King Ptolemy (III?) and a decree which concerns the funding for its construction.

18166) M.H. Jameson, “Troizen and Halikarnassos in the Hellenistic Era”, in The Salmakis Inscription, p. 93-107: The metrical inscription from Halikarnassos (supra no. 32) alludes to the foundation of the city by Troizenian settlers (Ἀνθεάδαι). J. collects the literary and epigraphic evidence for the relations between the two cities, presenting the relevant texts in an appendix. He adduces inscriptions for the following subjects: the alleged foundation of Halikarnassos by Troizen (cf. the honorary epigram for a descendant of the Ἀνθεάδαι: I.i = SEG XVI 666; cf. the list of the priest of Poseidon Isthmios in Halikarnassos: I.h = Syll.3 1020; Ὑπέρης Τελαμῶνος in A L. 3 may be related to Ὑπέρεια, one of the settlements which later formed Troizen); the alleged foundation of a temple of Aphrodite by the Halikarnassians in Troizen and the dedication of a statue of Isis (Paus. II, 32, 6; cf. dedications to the Egyptian gods, Arsinoe II, and Aphrodite Akraia Arsinoe: II.b = GIBM 907; II.c = GIBM 908; II.d = SEG VIII 361); the relations of Troizen with Halikarnassos (cf. a honorary decree of Troizen for two Troizenians and a man from the Halikarnassos area: III.a = IG IV 750; a honorary decree of Troizen and Halikarnassos for Zenodotos : III.d/e; a honorary epigram of Troizen for Diomedes, a Troizenian or Halikarnassian descendant of Ἄνθας: III.f = I.Oropos 389); the relations of Theangela with Troizen (cf. honorary decrees of Troizen for a man from Theangela and for the city of Theangela: III.b/c).

18267) D. Knoepfler, “L’inscription de Naryka (Locride) au musée du Louvre : la dernière lettre publique de l’empereur Hadrien ?”, REG 119 (2006), p. 1-34: Ed. pr. of a letter sent by Hadrian to the city of Naryx in Lokris, shortly before his death in 138 CE [already presented in EBGR 2002, 115; SEG LI 641]. In this letter Hadrian confirms the status of Naryx as a polis. In addition to providing a nice definition of what constitutes a polis (participation in the Amphictyony, the Boiotian Koinon and the Panhellenion, existence of a council, magistrates, priests, Greek phylai, Opountian laws, payment of taxes together with the Achaians), the emperor refers to the Roman and Greek poets, who had mentioned Naryx and its heroes (i.e. the Lokrian Aias). In this article, the first part of a detailed study of this document, K. offers an exhaustive commentary of Naryx’s participation in the Delphic Amphictyony, the Boiotian League, and the Panhellenion. As regards the enigmatic phrase Πανέλληνα αἱρεῖσθε καὶ θεηκόλον πέμπετε, K. cautiously argues that the office of the theekolos was not an old Lokrian office, but a representative of the Narykeans in the board of sacred officials of the Panhellenion, modelled after the theekoloi in the cult of Zeus in Olympia.

18368) R. Koch Piettre, “La Chronique de Lindos, ou comment accommoder les restes pour écrire l’Histoire”, in P. Borgeaud – Y. Volokhine (eds.), Les objets de la mémoire. Pour une approche comparatiste des reliques et de leur culte, Bern, 2005, p. 95-145: K.P. discusses the content of the Lindian anagraphe as evidence for the significance of relics and epiphanies in ancient Greece and gives an overview of the motives for the dedications made to Athena Lindia and the origin of the dedicants.

18469) A. Kolde, “Paroles de Cobra (Bernand, Inscr. métr. 102)”, in Mélanges Hurst, p. 143-154: K. discusses an interesting funerary epigram for a cobra, killed by a man (Inscr. métriques 102; Egypt, Imperial period). The epigram is composed after the model of ‘prayers for justice’ for the victims of murder; the cobra promises that her offspring, more numerous than the grains of the sand, will pursue this man and his descendants; the murderer will reach Hades after he has seen the death of all his descendants (ἦ σὲ μὲν οὐχ ὕπατον, πύματον δ᾿ Ἀΐδην πελάσουσι, | ὄμμασι δερκόμενον σῶν ἐρέων θάνατον).

18570) L. Kolonas, “Τὰ ἀγροτικὰ ἱερὰ τῆς Αἰτωλοακαρνανίας”, in A. Paliouras (ed.), Β΄ Διεθνὲς Ἱστορικὸ καὶ Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Συνέδριο Αἰτωλοακαρνανίας. Ἀγρίνιο, 29, 30, 31 Μαρτίου 2002. Πρακτικά, Agrinio, 2004, I, p. 267-292: Ed. pr. of a dedication to (Artemis) Epikrateia found in a rural sanctuary of Artemis at Drymonas Archontochoriou (near ancient Alyzia, Akarnania, 3rd cent.). This epithet, attested for the first time, is mentioned in several dedicatory inscriptions from the same sanctuary. Artemis’ sanctuary flourished in the Hellenistic period.

18671) A. Koukouvou, “Ἐπιτύμβια στήλη θηριομάχου ἀπὸ τὴ Βέροια”, AAA 39 (2006) [2007], p. 161-174: Ed. pr. of an interesting grave epigram for a venator (Beroia, late 2nd cent. CE). The relief depicts the venator with a dog fighting against a bear. The epigram reports that Tillorhobos, a native of Beroia, died in his fatherland after fighting against horrible species of wild animals in many cities and after saturating the insatiable Tyche with blood. The epigram reads [we correct the scribe’s mistakes]: ὁ πολλὰ περάσας θηρίων φρικτῶν γένη | καὶ τὴν ἄπληστον χορτάσας τύχην φόνων | πόλεις τε πλεῖστας εἰσιδὼν οἰκουμένης | τύχῃ βαρείᾳ καὶ ἀπαραιτήτῳ μόρῳ | Τιλλόροβος οἰκτρῶς εἰς πάτρα γαίην μολὼν | γονεῖς τε κατιδὼν καὶ φίλους καὶ συνγενεῖς | κεῖμαι ἐν πατρῷα προσφιλεστάτῃ χθονί.

18772) V. Krapivina – P. Diatroptov, “An Inscription of Mithridates VI Eupator’s Governor from Olbia”, ACSS 11 (2005.3/4), p. 167-180: Ed. pr. of an inscription from Olbia (78/77 BCE), which records the dedication of the curtain of the city wall by Mithridates’ VI governor to Meter Theon. Meter Theon in a corona militaris appears on coins issued under Mithridates VI in Olbia; her cult was widespread in the North Pontic region. The second-century city wall of Olbia was dedicated to Plouton, Demeter, Kore, and Demos (N.O. Leipuns’ka, “Novyi napis z Ol’vii”, Arkheologiya (Kiev) 3 [1990], p. 117-122).

18873) C. Lehmler – M. Wörrle, “Neue Inschriften aus Aizanoi IV: Aizanitica Minora”, Chiron 36 (2006), p. 45-111: Ed. pr. of new inscriptions from Aizanoi (all from the Imperial period). Dedications: The most interesting monument is an altar dedicated by a village (Daokometai) to Zeus in fulfilment of a vow (κατ᾿ εὐχήν; 135). The text reports: ‘On 19 Loos, Menophilos was taken by dreadful fear, and (the cult of) Great Zeus of Menophilos was founded’ (Μηνόφιλος [κ]ατεπλήχθη δε[ινῶς καὶ] ἐκτίσθη Ζεὺς Μέγας Μηνοφίλου). L.-W. assume that Menophilos’ dread was caused by an epiphany and a vision, in which Menophilos experienced ‘his’ Great Zeus. [One cannot exclude the possibility of divine punishment. In the narrative of the miracle of Zeus at Panamara (I.Stratonikeia 10), when Zeus’ fire burned the weapons of the enemy and a sudden storm terrified the assailants, ‘many were those who deserted, asking for forgiveness and crying out with loud voice “Great is Zeus Panamaros”’ (ἔτι δὲ ἀναβοών[των] μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ Μέγαν εἶναι Δία Πανάμαρον). In addition to providing a further parallel for the name of a god followed by the name of the cult founder in the genitive (see infra andnos. 79 and 88), this text is a nice example of a spontaneous acclamation (‘Zeus is great’), which follows upon a personal experience with divine power; the acclamation becomes the epithet of the god, whose cult is founded as a result of this personal experience; in this case, the cult ultimately became a public cult. On such acclamations see A. Chaniotis, “Acclamations as a Form of Religious Communication”, in H. Cancik – J. Rüpke (eds.), Die Religion des Imperium Romanum. Koine und Konfrontationen, Tübingen, 2009, p. 199-218]. A sacrificial table was dedicated by a group of hieroi to Zeus Olympios Kersoullos (137); the centre for the cult of Zeus Kersoullos was in the territory of Hadrianoi (I.Hadrianoi 1-8), from where it was introduced to Aizanoi; the epithet Olympios was hitherto unattested for Zeus Kersoullos. As an epigram reports, a dedication to Kore was made upon the goddess’ command, which had been given in a dream: ‘we have made this altar for the golden Kore, as she commanded in nightly dreams. And you, blessed one, be propitious and protect the house; and Hekate may assist you’ (τᾷ χρυσᾷ τὸν βωμὸν ἐδειμάμεθα ἐνθάδε Κούρᾳ, | ὡ[ς] κέλετο ἐννυχίοισιν ὀνείρασι· καὶ σύ, μάκαιρα, | εἵλαος ἀμύνοιο δόμοις τε Ἑκάτα συναρήγοι) [we correct the typo ἀμνύνοιο to ἀμύνοιο]. Other dedications are addressed to Asklepios (by a hieros; 139: κυρίῳ Ἀσληπιῷ); Hosion kai Dikaion (134; cf. 133), Meter Theon (130); Meter Thea Epiktetos (131, an altar: [Μητρ]ὶ θεᾷ Ἐπίκτητ[ος]) [the epithet Epiktetos is unattested; perhaps one should read [Μητρ]ὶ θεᾷ Ἐπικτήτ[ου], i.e. the Goddess Mother, whose cult was founded by Epiktetos; for such theonyms see supra (Zeus of Menophilos), infra nos. 79 and 88, and EBGR 2000, 108 and 2003, 31; 2003, 177; 2005, 45-46]; Meter Es[--] (132); Zeus [--]eteos (136), Zeus Sabazios (138). As regards the hieroi (137 and 139), L.-W. plausibly point out that in these inscriptions this term does not designate subordinate personnel of sanctuaries; it expresses personal devotion to a god. A dedication to an anonymous deity was made on the basis of a promise (140: [ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ καὶ τῶ]ν ἰδίων ἐπ|[αγγειλάμενος ἀ]νέθηκεν) [or ἐπ᾿ | [vac. ἀγαθῷ ἀ]νέθηκεν]. Most dedications were made in fulfilment of vows (εὐχήν: 130, 132, 136; ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς: 134). Acclamations: An acclamation written on an altar praises an anonymous god, Hosion, kai Dikaion (133; ἷς θεὸς ἐν οὐρανῷ· μέγα τὸ Ὅσιον, μέγα τὸ Δίκαιον); the combination of ‘the one god’ and Hosion kai Dikaion was already attested (e.g. TAM V.1.146), and M. Ricl suspected that the ‘one god’ may be Helios. K.-W. observe that in the new text the acclamation μέγα τὸ Δίκαιον was added by a different hand; originally, the text may have been ἷς θεὸς ἐν οὐρανῷ· μέγα τὸ Ὅσιον. [For the relationship between Hosios/ Hosion and Hosion kai Dikaion and the ‘one god’ one should take into consideration the entire material and the specific features of religious acclamations (cf. supra); my impression is that the pair Hosion kai Dikaion was regarded as a subordinate divinity.] Funerary cult: A funerary altar was dedicated to Apollon and the deceased person (77, Imperial period); altars dedicated to gods and deceased persons are almost exclusively attested in Dorylaion and Nakoleia; they are usually dedicated to Zeus Bronton. An epitaph uses the funerary imprecation τίς ἂν προσάξῃ χεῖραν τὴν βαρύχθονον, Ἑκάτης μελαίνης περιπέσοιτο συνφορᾷ (118, 3rd cent. CE) [we point to the use of βαρύχθονον instead of the usual βαρύφθονον; the translation ‘frevlerische Hand’ is not accurate]. A deceased person is designated as a heros (125). Piety: In an epitaph the deceased person has the attribute θεοσεβής (128) [not necessarily related to the group of the theosebeis, for which see EBGR 1998, 190].

18974) É. Lhôte, Les lamelles oraculaires de Dodone, Geneva, 2006 [BE 2007, 339]: We will return to this important publication in more detail in the next issue of EBGR. Here, we briefly summarize its content. L. presents critical editions of 167 oracular enquires from Dodona (only already known texts), with ample linguistic commentary. This material, especially the enquires of private individuals (nos. 18-153), is a very important source of information for religious mentalities.

19075) C.C. Lorber – O.D. Hoover, “An Unpublished Tetradrachm Issued by the Artists of Dionysos”, NC 163 (2003), p. 59-68 [SEG LV 1973]: L.-H. publish a unique coin (a wreathed tetradrachm) issued by the Ionian and Hellespontine branch of the Dionysiac artists (τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνιτῶν) and probably minted at Teos (c. 155-145). It was part of a one-time emission, possibly to commemorate an important event (perhaps the foundation of the Ἀτταλισταί by the leader of the association, the flutist Kraton). The coins of this emission may have been given to foreign guests or as prizes to participants in competitions. In connection with this important find, the authors review the epigraphic evidence for the various branches of the associations of Dionysiac artists and especially for the Tean branch under the leadership of Kraton and its links to the Pergamene court.

19176) B. MacLachlan, “Kollyra’s Curse”, MEP 9/10 (2004/05), p. 249-256: M. republishes a prayer for justice from Lokroi Epizephyrioi (3rd cent.; IG XIV 644) and compares it with similar curses written by victims of injustice – in this case the victim of theft (cf. I.Knidos 147-148; SEG XXXVIII 1568) – and with confession inscriptions [cf. EBGR 2004, 44]. We present M.’s translation: ‘Kollyra consecrates (ἀνιαρίζει) to the attendants of the goddess – her cloak, the dark-coloured one, that someone took and is not giving back, and – uses it and knows where it is. Let this person dedicate to the goddess (ἀνθείη τᾶι θεῶι) twelve times its worth with half a medimnus of incense, as the city requires (ὧι πόλις νομίζει). May the one who has my cloak not breathe freely (μὴ πρότερον τὰν ψυχὰν ἀνείη) until he makes the dedication to the goddess. Kollyra consecrates to the attendants of the goddess (ἀνιαρίζει ταὶς προπόλοις τᾶς θεῶ) the three gold coins which Melita took and is not giving back. Let her dedicate to the goddess twelve times their worth with a medimnus of incense as the city requires. May she not breathe freely until she has made the dedication to the goddess. If she should drink with me or eat with me and I do not know it, or go under the same roof as I, may I be unharmed’. [The unparalleled expression ψυχὴν ἀνίημι may not refer to breathing (cf. πνεῦμα ἀνίημι) but to the burden on the thief’s soul and conscience.] The reference to the sacred personnel (of the sanctuary of Persephone?), which shows the public nature of this curse, finds a parallel in a judicial prayer from Delos (A. Hauvette-Besnault, “Fouilles de Delphes”, BCH 6 [1882], p. 500-502: δέομαι πάντας τοὺς θερ[α]πευτὰς βλασφημεῖν αὐτὴν καθ᾿ ἱ[ε]ράν). [Cf. a Latin ‘prayer for justice’ from Saguntum (EBGR 2000, 40). A slave (Chryse), who was the victim of theft by another slave, invoked Iao and donated to him the stolen money, expecting the god to punish the thief. The defigens also promised a reward to a cult functionary for his services (do pecuniam onori sacricola). A reward for the cult personnel makes sense only if the cult personnel were involved in the ritualised cession of the stolen property – perhaps also in the cursing; on this subject see A. Chaniotis, “Ritual Performances of Divine Justice: The Epigraphy of Confession, Atonement, and Exaltation in Roman Asia Minor”, in H.M. Cotton et al. (eds.), From Hellenism to Islam: Cultural and Linguistic Change in the Roman Near East, Cambridge, 2009, p. 115-153]. M. notes the literary qualities of Kollyra’s text, its visibility, and the expectation that the goddess’ attendants will be executors of the divine power [or involved in a curse ceremony].

19277) V. Malamidou, Roman Pottery in Context. Fine and Coarse Wares from Five Sites in North-Eastern Greece, Oxford, 2005 [BE 2006, 94]: M. presents stamped vases found at the sanctuary of Heros Auloneites at Kepia in Macedonia (p. 61f.; Imperial period; cf. EBGR 1992, 117). The stamps are inscribed with the texts ἥρωος and υἱέ. The stamps indicate that this pottery was locally produced for the sanctuary [cf. ead., “For Middle Roman Ceramic Groups from Eastern Macedonia”, in M.B. Briese – L.E. Vaag (eds.), Trade Relations in the Eastern Mediterranean from the Late Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity. The Ceramic Evidence, Odense, 2005, p. 106].

19378) H. Malay, “A New Dedication from the Katakekaumene”, EA 39 (2006), p. 84-85: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary and puzzling text from Maionia (Imperial period), which M. plausibly interprets as a ‘confession inscription’. The verb ἐπιζητέω (line 2) is typically used in confes­sion inscriptions in connection with divine punishment. A woman explains (according to M.’s translation): ‘therefore, deceived by Menas, I set up (this stele) for the distressed (or: others) as well (ἀνέθηκα καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιλύπους), so that no-one would experience the same sufferings. He (Menas) wanted to - - to my body (or: slave); for this reason, I read out… (invoked) and asked (the goddess) and performed to the outmost of my ability the things that needed to be done (ἀναλέξασα καὶ ἐρωτήσασα κ[α]ὶ κ[α]ὶ τὰ ἐνδέουντ[α] κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν ποήσασα), so that also the distressed ones (or: others) would receive (divine) favour (ἔχουσιν φορ[ά]ν). Because of this I invoked her and they asked the goddess and the (gods) with her (ἐρώτησαν τὴν θεὸν καὶ [τ]οὺς σὺν αὐτῇ) to receive Sim[--]; I myself and all my folks (also asked the goddess)’. [M. points out that ἐπίλυποι may stand for ἐπίλοιποι (the others), which I find more probable. Instead of ἀναλέξασα (‘read out’, ‘invoke’?, or ‘select’?), perhaps we should read [----]ανα λέξασα (the reading of the first letters is not certain). The expression ἔχουσιν φορ[ά]ν (‘receive favour’) is problematic. I understand ΣΙΜ[..]Ν αὐτὴν σχεῖν, καὶ ἐγὼ [κ]αὶ πάντες οἱ ἐμοί differently: ἔχω αὐτήν (sc. τὴν θεόν) ΣΙΜ[..]Ν, i.e. ‘to have the goddess + attribute (e.g. propitious), both I and all my people’; for this construction cf. the formulas ἔχειν τὸν θεὸν κεχολωμένον/ἵλεον etc. Unfortunately, the attribute cannot be restored.]

19479) H. Malay, “Some Inscriptions from Lydia up for Auction”, EA 39 (2006), p. 87-97: M. identifies Lydia as the provenance of a group of stelae offered for sale by Edgar Lowen. He reads the texts from the photos. This material includes dedications to Thea Andene (1, 278 CE), whose cult is attested for the first time, and to Meter Motyllene (2), whose cult epithet (attested here for the first time) derives from Motula (cf. Mes Motyllites). The epitaphs include two for priests (10 and 15). One of them is of particular interest (10, 93 CE). It mentions a hereditary priest of Zeus Drittes (γεγενημένῳ ἱερεῖ τοῦ Διὸς Δριττου διὰ γένους). M. points out that Zeus Driktes is already attested. [Unfortunately, because of the genitive τοῦ Διὸς Δριττου we cannot say whether the cult name is Ζεὺς Δρίττης/Δρίκτης or Ζεὺς Δριττου/Δρικτου, i.e. a cult of Zeus founded by Drittes/Driktes; on this phenomenon see supra no. 73.]

19580) H. Malay, “Three Dedications to Zeus Keraunios”, EA 39 (2006), p. 103-104: Ed. pr. of three dedications to Zeus Keraunios, from Lydia (1), Maionia (2), and the Kaystros Valley (3), all of them from the Imperial period. Two of them were made in fulfilment of vows (2-3: εὐχήν). The third dedication was made by a man for the rescue of his daughter (3: [ὑπὲρ] τῆς θυγατρὸς σωτηρίας).

19681) H. Malay – M. Ricl, “Some Funerary Inscriptions from Lydia”, EA 39 (2006), p. 49-82: Ed. pr. of an epitaph from north-east Lydia with a funerary imprecation (36, 122 CE): ‘if anyone does wrong against this stele, may he never find (Mes) Axiottenos merciful‘ (εἰ δέ τις προσαμάρτῃ ταύτῃ τῇ στήλλῃ, τοῦ Ἀξιοττηνοῦ μηδέποτε εἵλεος τύχοιτο). In another epitaph from Kole (44, Imperial period) the deceased person is called ἥρως.

19782) F. Maltomini, “Una lamella d’oro del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Cividale del Friuli”, ZPE 156 (2006), p. 103-108 [BE 2007, 48]: Ed. pr. of a gold lamella contained in a gold capsule found near Pozzuolo (Udine, 4th cent. CE). The lamella is inscribed with a phylactery. The text begins with an invocation of Arsamon (Horos, the son of Amon), asked to save the owner of the amulet (Ἀρσαμων, τρίμορφε, σῷζε, σῷζε). The following words (παρθέναι, ἀμύντα, πρωτομάχοε) are interpreted by M. as attributes of Arsamon (‘vergine, difensore, combattente in prima linea’). The rest of the text consists of magical words and names, including very common formulae such as αβλαναθαναλβα ακραμαχαμαρι, Ἰαώ, Σαβαώ, and σενσεγενβαρφαρανγης σεμεσειλαμ [cf. e.g. SEG LIII 1110].

19883) C. Marek, Die Inschriften von Kaunos, Munich, 2006: We only mention here the publication of this important corpus, which will be presented in detail in the next issue of EBGR.

19984) A. Martínez Fernández – N. Tsatsaki – N. Kapranos, “Una inscripción inédita de Chamalevri”, ZPE 157 (2006), p. 87-94 [BE 2007, 27]: Ed. pr. of a building inscription from Chamalevri, east of Rethymnon on Crete (2nd cent. BCE). It records the restoration of a sanctuary (ἀνεκαινί[σ]θη τὸ ἱαρόν). The text lists the members of the board of kosmoi and the man who proposed the decree.

20085) L. Migeotte, “La haute administration des finances publiques et sacrées dans les cités grecques”, Chiron 36 (2006), p. 379-394 [BE 2007, 168]: Surveying the epigraphic material from Boiotia, Miletos, Pergamon, Priene, Magnesia on the Maeander, Thasos, Arkesine, Ephesos, Samos, Smyrna, and other cities, M. demonstrates that the Greek cities undertook efforts to establish a coherent and efficient administration of public and sacred funds (ἱερὰ χρήματα, ἱεροὶ πρόσοδοι). M. comments on magistrates responsible for sacred funds, such as ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν προσόδων (Pergamon), νεωποίης (Priene), ταμίας τῶν ἱερῶν (Samos), ταμίας τῶν ἱερῶν προσόδων (Smyrna), and οἰκονόμοι τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων (Ephesos).

20186) N.P. Milner, “Ancient Inscriptions and Monuments from the Territory of Oinoanda”, AS 54 (2004), p. 47-78 [SEG LIV 1417, 1424; BE 2006, 385]: M. republishes a funerary imprecation (29, 2nd/3rd cent.), which uses the formula ἔστω ἐπάρατος θεοῖς καὶ θεαῖς, and the epitaph of a former high priest of the imperial cult, who is designated as ἥρως (1, IGR III 1506, 2nd cent. CE).

20287) A. Nichols – R. Wagman, “Three Perirrhanteria from the Epidaurian Asclepieum”, ZPE 155 (2006), p. 137-138: Ed. pr. of three inscribed perirrhanteria from the sanctuary of Asklepios in Epidauros. One of them was dedicated by a woman (1, undated). A second was dedicated by a Euarchidas to Athena (2); this man dedicated also a perirrhanterion in the sanctuary of Apollon Maleatas (IG IV² 174). The third inscription is very fragmentary.

20388) P.M. Nigdelis, Ἐπιγραφικὰ Θεσσαλονίκεια. Συμβολὴ στὴν πολιτικὴ καὶ κοινωνικὴ ἱστορία τῆς ἀρχαίας Θεσσαλονίκης, Thessalonike, 2006 [BE 2007, 377]: N. publishes and (re)publishes 75 inscriptions of Thessalonike with thorough commentaries. New texts are marked with an asterisk. Cult associations: A large part of the book is dedicated to associations. N. republishes an important list of the members of a σπεῖρα, a Dionysiac association (p. 101-128; SEG XLIX 814; EBGR 1999, 144; c. 200-250 CE), with several new readings and restorations of sacred officials: [ναρθη]κοφόρος (A 6), ἱερεύς (A 10, instead of [ἀρ]χιερεύς), ἀ[ρχικ]ρανεάρχης (Α 17), μα[γαρεύς] (Α 18). N. comments inter alia on the size of the association (at least 30 members), the existence of at least four ἀρχιμύσται, which may be an indication that the association was divided into smaller subdivisions, the various sacred officials (ἀρχιμύστης, παλαιομύστης, ἀρχιμαγαρεύς ἀθύτου, ἀρχικρανεάρχης, γάλλαρος, ἀρχιγάλλαρος, ναρθηκο­φόρος, ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος, νεβριαφόρος, νεβρίνη), and the possible origin of the members in Asia Minor. N. follows P. Boyancé in interpreting the title μήτηρ σπείρας as an indication that the myth of Semele was represented during the rituals. [More probably, it is an honorary title of the type πατήρ πόλεως, θυγάτηρ βουλῆς etc.]. A new text (p. 129-134 no. 2*, 218 CE) attests for the first time an association of worshippers of Dionysos Mousaiou Horophoros (Mousaios being the founder of the cult). It is a dedication of an altar and a magaron made by an ἀρχιμαινάς and a μαγαρεύς. Dionysos Horophoros was probably associated with the seasons (ὧραι) as patron of fertility. An interesting dedication (p. 168-177 no. 8*, 1st/2nd cent.) provides information concerning the banquets organised by the worshippers of Theos Hypsistos (cf. the term συνκλῖται; cf. IG X 2.1, 68-72). A funerary inscription (p. 135-146 no. 3 = IG X 2.1, 480, 2nd/3rd cent.) is reconstructed as an epitaph dedicated by Ἀσκληπιασταί καὶ Βακχεῖον Ἀσιανῶν for the musician Memnon. An association for the worship of Asklepios was hitherto unattested in Thessalonike. A Βακχεῖον Ἀσιανῶν is attested in Perinthos (I.Perinthos 56). N. suggests that the word θρησκεία ([Θ]ρησκία τῶν Ἀσκληπιαστῶν καὶ β[ακχε]ίου Ἀσιανῶν) implies that Memnon, member of both associations was recipient of a funerary cult. [An alternative interpretation is that the term θρησκεία does not have its usual meaning (worship and piety; see now EBGR 2004, 85), but is used as a designation of a cult association of θρησκευταί (worshippers) of both Asklepios and Diony­sos.] Another epitaph (p. 147-151 no. 4*) was set up by a hitherto unattested association (συνήθεις) for the worship of ‘Artemis Gourasia, whose sanctuary is near Acherdos (the Wild Pear)’ (Γουρασίας [Ἀ]ρτέμιδ[ος] τῆς πρὸς τῇ Ἀχέρδῳ). Another epitaph was set up by two associations: the [συνήθεις περὶ] Δημᾶ and the [συνήθεια? Ἀρτέ]μιδος Ἀκραίας; 152-159 no. 5*, 117 CE). An association for the worship of Herakles (συνήθεις Ἡρακλέους; cf. IG X 2.1, 288-289 and SEG XLIII 462) honoured its deceased priest (160-162 no. 6*, 2nd cent. CE). Another epitaph (of a perfume merchant) was set up by the association of worshippers of Poseidon (note the unusual designation as συνήθεια ἡ ἐπὶ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος; p. 163-167 no. 7*, ca. 150-200). The secretary of the association donated a jug (κατάχυσις) and a handle (χειρολαβή). The fragmentary statute of an association concerns the burial of its members; the identity of this association cannot be determined, but, as one can infer from the expres­sion κατὰ τὰς δοχάς, it organised banquets (196-201 no. 13*, early 3rd cent. CE). Other associations, which dedicated epitaphs for their members, include a cult association for Nemesis (συνήθια τῆς Νεμέσεος; p. 178-183 no. 9*), an association of worshippers of ‘the hero Aineias’, i.e. the founder of Aineia (206-211 no. 15, 125 CE), professional associations (mule-drivers: 184-188 no. 10*; makers of garlands: p. 188-191 no. 11*), and a unique association of φιλοπαίκτορες, ‘lovers of jokes’ or ‘lovers of entertainment/entertainers’ (191-196 no. 12*) [cf. EBGR 1999, 20, on an association dedicated to recreational celebrations]. These inscriptions provide information concerning the officials of the cult associations: ἀρχισυνάγωγος (4, 6, 15), γραμματεύς (5, 7-8, 14-15), ὑπογραμματεύς (15), ἐξεταστής (4-5, 14), ἐπιμελητής (14), ἱέρεια (5), ἱερεύς (6), and [--]φύλαξ, perhaps [γραμματο]φύλαξ /4). N. also restores a fragmentary honorary inscription of an association of worshippers of the Egyptian gods (211-216 no. 16 = IG X 2.1, 16). Cult officials: We note the epitaph of a sacerdos (p. 325-327 no. 16*). Ruler cult: An inscribed base of a statue of Alexander the Great dedicated by the city; Alexander is designated as the son of Zeus (βασιλέα μέγαν Διὸς Ἀλέξανδρον; p. 59-64 no. 7, late 2nd/early 3rd cent.; cf. IG X 2.1, 275). The abundant evidence for the Imperial cult includes a dedication to Livia (p. 35-40 no. 1*); a dedication by a high priest of the Sebastoi and agonothetes for the well-being of Septimius Severus (p. 56-59 no. 6 = IG X 2.1, 138; in L. 7 N. restores [ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν Σεβασ]τῶν καὶ ἀγων[οθέτης τοῦ Κοινοῦ τῶν Μακεδόνων]); a dedication for the well-being of Septimius Severus (p. 70-72 no. 9*); three invitations to munera by the high priest of the provincial imperial cult (p. 73-93 no. 10 = EBGR 2000, 205; SEG XLV 816-817, 252-260 CE). Festivals: As regards the festival, in which the sponsor of no. 10 served as agonothetes in 259 CE, N. rejects the restoration [τῶν μεγάλ]ων Καισαρίων Πυθίων and suggests restoring [τῶν Ἀκτίων Καβειρί]ων Καισαρίων Πυθίων. N. suspects that this festival (to be distinguished from the Kaisareia Epinikia Kabeiria Pythia, celebrated in 260 CE), was introduced in 255 CE, after the successful repulsion of the Goths. The volume includes several epitaphs of gladiators (231-248 nos. 3-6*). Funerary cult: In addition to the inscriptions, which concern the burial of members of associations (see supra), there are epitaphs in which the deceased person is called ἥρως (p. 253-257 no. 8*). As regards the terminology of funerary monuments, we single out the terms τρινχός = θριγκός (enclosure of a burial ground; p. 363-366 no. 3*). A very interesting monument is a fragmentary sarcophagus of unknown provenance (p. 405-408 no. 15, early 3rd cent. CE) [a pierre errante from Asia Minor?]. The text invokes Hosion kai Dikaion, obviously to protect the grave: Ὅσιον, Δίκεον· σὸν βλέπεις. The phrase σὸν βλέπεις informs the passer-by that what he sees, is his own destiny: death. In an Appendix (p. 411-491) N. presents the text of 60 inscriptions from other places, concerning either Thessalonike or individuals from this city (all of them known texts, which we do not include in this presentation).

20489) D. Pandermalis, “Δῖον 2005. Ἀνασκαφή, ἔργα ἀνάδειξης καὶ disjecta membra”, AEMTh 19 (2005) [2007], p. 373-379 [SEG LV 679]: P. reports the discovery of the lower part of a marble statue of Zeus with an inscribed base (Dion, 211 CE; p. 375). The statue was dedicated by the priest C. Postumius. This priest was already known from an inscription in the sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. He also mentions a marble relief plaque with the representation of a rider and a snake (p. 376, late Classical period); it was set as an epitaph for a heroized man.

20590) D. Pandermalis, “Δῖον 2006”, AEMTh 20 (2006) [2008], p. 567-575: D. presents a dedication to Asklepios Soter found re-used in a bath (Dion, Imperial period; p. 574) [on the sanctuary of Asklepios in Dion see S. Pingiatoglou, “Δῖον 2004-2006. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἔρευνες στὸ ἱερὸ τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ καὶ στὴν πόλη τῶν ἑλληνιστικῶν χρόνων”, ibid., p. 577-586].

20691) R. Parker, “Ὡς ἥρωι ἐναγίζειν”, in Greek Sacrificial Ritual, p. 37-45: P. points out that the ancient sources do not make a distinction between ‘Olympian’ and ‘chthonic’ sacrifice, distin­guishing instead between sacrifices to gods (θύω) and sacrifices to heroes (ἐναγίζω; cf. the cult regulation of Selinous concerning purification: SEG XLIII 630). The Attic sacrificial calendars (LSCG Suppl. 19; LSCG 18; IG I³ 256 bis) show that sacrifices to heroes were occasionally followed by feasts. Although generalizations should be avoided, common features of heroic sacrifice include the burning of more meat than in normal sacrifice, the slaughtering of victims into the ground, the consumption of the meat on the spot (prohibition of ἀποφορά), and the pouring of blood into pits.

20792) C. Peristeri – V. Chalkiopoulou, “Πρώτη ἀνασκαφικὴ ἔρευνα στὸ Σιδηρόκαστρο στὴ θέση «Μαῦρος Βράχος» κατὰ τὸ 2005”, AEMTh 19 (2005) [2007], p. 129-144 [BE 2007, 382; SEG LV 688]. Ed. pr. of a dedication to Apollon found in the area of a rural sanctuary of Apollon at the site Mavros Vrachos near Siderokastron Serron in Macedonia (area of Herakleai Sintike; p. 131, 4th cent.).

20893) M.F. Petraccia, “Donne e culti nelle province romane dell’impero. Il caso della Macedonia”, in Donna e vita, p. 431-438: Collection of attestations of priestesses and high priestesses of the imperial cult in Roman Macedonia (Beroia, Thessalonike, Styberra, Stobi, Kissa, Philippi) and discussion of their title, family relations, and economic background. She argues that the ἀρχιέρειαι occupied this office as wives of high priests.

20994) M.-Z. Petropoulou, “A Seleucid Settlement on Falaika”, EA 39 (2006), p. 139-147: An important inscription from Ikaros/Falaika in the Persian Gulf containing a letter of a Seleucid king concerning the sanctuary of Soteira, its asylia, and the establishment of a musical and athletic contest (SEG XX 411; most recent edition in I.Estremo Oriente 421-422). Different dates have been suggested for this text, which is of great significance for the religious policy of the Seleucid, ranging from 241 to 166 BCE. After examining a squeeze, P. restores the date as the 74th year of the Seleucid era (238/7 BCE) and identifies the king as Seleukos II. She also suggests that the king’s aim was not to re-people a depopulated settlement, but to unite small settlements into one.

21095) G. Petzl – E. Schwertheim, Hadrian und die dionysischen Künstler. Drei in Alexandria Troas neugefundene Briefe des Kaisers an die Künstler-Vereinigung, Bonn, 2006: This is certainly the most important inscription published this year (only three years after its discovery!). It is a dossier of three letters (90 lines) sent by Hadrian to the Dionysiac artists with his instructions concerning the organisation of contests – inter alia, the duties of agonothetai and other authorities, money prizes for winners of contests, membership in the association of artists, and more importantly the establishment of a cycle of contests in a strict sequence (Stratonikeia, 134 CE). We will present this text in detail in the next issue of the EBGR, incorporating remarks made by other scholars after its first edition.

21196) O. Picard, “Les χρήματα d’Apollon et les débuts de la monnaie à Delphes”, Topoi 12/13 (2005), p. 55-68 [BE 2006, 220; SEG LV 566]: P. examines some aspects of monetary practices in early Delphi. He argues that Delphi originally had an inventory of dedications (cf. Herod., I, 50-51; Diod., XVI, 27, 4), albeit not an inscribed one (p. 56-58). One should distinguish between dedications to Apollo, which were property of the god for ever, and temporary deposits (παρακαταθῆκαι) attested in CID IV 2 (cf. Plut., Lysandros, 18, 3). This fragmentary inscription does not concern banking activities, but gold and silver objects (including money) brought to the sanctuary for safety and deposited there (p. 58-61). Evidence for the early use of money for the payment of fines and contributions to the cult is provided by various inscriptions (late 6th-late 4th cent.): CID I 1-3, 8-9bis; BE 1970, 312 (p. 61-65). Already as early as the late 6th cent. the Amphiktyony estimated the expenses for the construction of the temple using the Aeginetan standard (Herod. II, 180; p. 65-67).

21297) F. Quantin, “Le dieu Pan au féminin à Bouthrôtos : une influence italienne”, in É. Deniaux (ed.), Le canal d’Otrante et la méditerranιe antique et médiévale. Colloque organisé à l’Universitι de Paris X – Nanterre (20-21 novembre 2000), Bari, 2005, p. 67-79: Q. republishes two dedications set up by the same man (Kasianos) for Pan Teletarches and Pasa in Bouthrotos (2nd/1st cent.) [EBGR 1988, 26]. Q. points out that there is evidence for an association of Pan with mystery cults and collects evidence for the connection of Pan with Dionysos. By contrast, although Pan was associated with goddesses (the Nymphs, Megale Meter, Meter Theon) in Greece, the existence of a female consort (Pasa) is only attested in South Italy and possibly in the Mycenaean Linear B texts (Pasaja). A detailed study of the literary and iconographical evidence for divine dyads in Italy (Faunus and Fauna, Silvanus and Silvana, Liber and Libera) suggests that Kasianos’ dedication was the result of cultural influence from Italy.

21398) N. Radeva Girod, “Les mystères d’Andania. Traduction de l’inscription no. 65 de Lois Sacrées des cités grecques, Sokolowski (1969)”, in Mélanges Hurst, p. 357-365: R.G. translates the text of the sacred regulation of the mysteries of Andania [see now supra no. 36].

21499) A. Retzleff – A. Majeed Mjely, “Seat Inscriptions in the Odeum at Gerasa (Jerash)”, BASOR 336 (2004), p. 37-47 [SEG LIV 1691]: Publication of 30 inscriptions recording seat reservations in the north theatre of Gerasa [cf. already EBGR 2006, 3]. Most of them mention the names of tribes. The twelve tribes were named after deities (Aphrodite, Apollon, Artemis, Asklepios, Athena, Demeter, Hadrian, Hera, Herakles, Leto, Poseidon, Zeus).

215100) N. Robertson, “Sacrifice to the Sea: a Custom prior to the ‘Olympian’ and ‘Chthonian’ Categories?”, in Greek Sacrificial Ritual, p. 85-96: R. collects the evidence for a particular type of sacrifice, the plunging of animals into the sea. This custom is epigraphically attested in Rhodes (ἱπποκαθέσια: Tit.Cam. 153 = LSCG Suppl. 94; SEG XXXIX 759 lines 19/20). R. argues that it is a magic ritual of very early origin, which was gradually assimilated into normal animal sacrifice.

216101) D. Rousset, “Les inscriptions de Kallipolis d’Étolie”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 381-434: Ed. pr. (p. 421 no. 20) of a very interesting dedication from Kallipolis (4th/3rd cent.): Νικὼ Νυκτί, Ἀρτέμιδι λυσίπονα τυχοῦσα τᾶς εὐχᾶς. A woman made a dedication to the personification of the Nights and to Artemis in fulfilment of a vow; the dedication is designated as ‘offering of deliverance from pain’ (λυσίπονα). Dedications to Nyx are very rare.

217102) D. Rousset, “Affranchissements de Physkeis en Locride occidentale”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 349-379: Ed. pr. and republication of ten manumission records from the sanctuary of Athena in Physkos (west Lokris, 2nd cent.); the manumissions nos. 1-3 and 10 were already known (IG IX 2.1, 671 and 676a-b), but R. presents improved editions. The texts use various formulas: ἀπέδο(ν)το τᾶι Ἀθάναι τᾶι Ἰλιάδι (1-2, 6-7, 9-10); ἀπέδο(ν)το τᾶι Ἀθάναι τᾶι ἐμ Φυσκέοις (3); ἀνέθηκαν τᾶι Ἀθάν[αι τᾶι Ἰλιάδι] … ἱερὰν ἀνέφαπτον (4); ἀνέθηκε [τᾶι Ἀθάναι τᾶι Ἰλιάδι … ὥστε ἱερὸς εἶμεν καὶ ἀνέφαπτος?] καὶ ἐλεύθερος (5?) [accusative plural rather than nominative singular: [ὥστε ἱερὸς εἶμεν καὶ ἀνεφάπτος?] καὶ ἐλευθέρος]; [ἀνέθηκε … τᾶι Ἀθάναι τᾶι Ἰ]λιάδι … [ὥστε ἱερὰ εἶμεν τᾶς Ἀθ]άνας τᾶς Ἰλιάδος (9). The texts are usually dated with reference to the agonothetes of the Lokrian koinon (1-5, 7, 9). As regards the calendar, some months are designated with numerals (1-4, 7), but there are also references to the months Panamos in Kallipolis (3), Agreios in the Dymanes (5), Hychaios in Physkos (6), and Hermaios (10). R. also publishes an inscription copied by P. Jamot from the area of Malan­drino (territory of Physkos or Kallipolis, 11). The fragmentary text is a dedication to a series of deities: [--]ετῆρι (Γενετῆρι?), Zeus Agoraios, [Arte]mis or [The]mis Agoraia, Zeus Odarios, [--] Odaria, and the Charites (?; Χαρίτοις for Χάρισι) [this anomalous form is not inconceivable; cf. μάρτυροι for μάρτυρες in nos. 2-3, 5, 6-8].

218103) I. Rutherford, “Andros at Delphi. CID 1.7 and Insular Theoria”, in J. Chrysostomides, C. Dendrinos, J. Harris (eds.), The Greek Islands and the Sea. Proceedings of the First International Colloquium held at The Hellenic Institute, Royal Holloway, University of London, 21-22 September 2001, Surray, 2004, p. 59-75: R. discusses the theoriai sent by Greek islands to Delphi, focusing on the regulations relating to a theoria of Andros (CID I 7; LSCG Suppl. 38; 5th cent.). He reconstructs the procedure of the theoria and discusses possible historical contexts. Evidence for Andrian theoriai is provided by the Delphic accounts, which mention Andrian delegations (CID II 22/23), but also by a paian of Simonides (PMG 35f ed. Page; ca. 510-480), which suggests an early date for this regulation (ca. 500-480). A comparison with the treaty between Skiathos and Delphi concerning a theoria (CID I.13) suggests that the regulation concerning the Andrian theoria was an Andrian sacred law and not a treaty.

219104) C. Schuler, “Inschriften aus dem Territorium von Myra in Lykien: Istlada”, Chiron 36 (2006), p. 395-451. C. publishes 23 inscriptions found in an ancient settlement at Istlada (in the territory of Myra). Most texts are inedita. There is only one dedication: the statue of a man was posthumously dedicated to the gods by his father and brother (1; late Hellenistic or early Imperial period). All the other texts are epitaphs, usually mentioning fines for the violation of the grave (3rd cent. BCE-2nd cent CE). We note numerous funerary impreca­tions with the formulas ἁμαρτωλὸς ἔστω θεοῖς χθονίοις/καταχθονίοις (2-3, 6, 9, 14-15, 19), ἔστω ἀσεβὴς θεοῖς καταχθονίοις (12, 21), and ἁμαρτωλὸς ἔστω θεοῖς (18).

220105) H. Siard, “Un règlement trouvé dans le Réservoir de l’Inopos à Délos”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 329-348: Ed. pr. of a regulation for the protection of a water reservoir (not a river) called Inopos in Delos; the regulation, probably the Hellenistic copy of a regulation of the Classical period, forbids washing, bathing and throwing stones in the river; violators were liable to a fine of five drachmas, payable to the sanctuary of Apollon. In an appendix, S. rejects the assumption that there was a sanctuary or cult of Inopos on Delos.

221106) K. Sismanidis, “Ὁ χῶρος Ε στὸ συγκρότημα τοῦ Σεβαστείου τῶν Καλινδοίων”, AEMTh 20 (2006) [2008], p. 249-262: Two new epigraphic finds. An inscription found near room E of the Sebasteion reports that the sons of the priest of Zeus, Roma, and Augustus (ἱερέως Διὸς καὶ Ῥώμης καὶ Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Θεοῦ Υἱοῦ Σεβαστοῦ) erected an exedra, a bouleuterion, and a porticus in 88 CE. The bouleuterion may in fact be room E.

222107) C. Sourvinou-Inwood, “Hermaphroditos and Salmakis: The Voice of Halikarnassos”, in The Salmakis Inscription, p. 59-84: S. offers an extensive study of the myth of Hermaphroditos and its motifs in the light of the new metrical inscription from Halikarnassos (cf. supra nos. 32, 64-66).

223108) J.-Y. Strasser, “Une inscription de Kéramos, le coureur Politès et la Carie ‘Trachée’”, REA 106 (2004), p. 547-568 [SEG LIV 1082): S. republishes a fragmentary list of athletic victories from Keramos (I.Keramos 15, late 1st cent. CE). According to his restoration, the list records the victories of a runner (Polites of Keramos?; cf. Paus., VI, 13, 3-4) in enoplios, diaulos, and stadion at Syracuse, Apollonia (of Illyria), and Ephesos (Koinos tes Asias).

224109) J. Taita, “Proxenoi ‘santuariali’ all’oracolo di Zeus ad Olimpia: profilo giuridico e funzioni”, MEP 9/10 (2004/2005), p. 87-114 [SEG LIV 490]: T. studies the meaning and function of the proxenoi known from inscriptions in Olympia. Assuming the existence of an amphictyony in Olympia, which existed until c. 450 BCE, T. argues that the term proxenos designates sacred officials, possibly members of a board, sent by the member states of this amphictyony. The proxenoi offered assistance to worshippers but also had judicial authority (cf. the proxenoi of the Delphic amphictyony); e.g. they had the authority to remove from the altar of Zeus violators of treaties (IvOlympia 10) and individuals who had committed sacrilege (IvOlympia 13). The earliest attestation of the proxenoi (along with the sacred officials διαιτατέρ and θεοκόλος) is in an unpublished bronze tablet of the early 6th cent.

225110) P. Themelis, “Ἀνασκαφὴ Μεσσήνης”, PAAH 160 (2005) [2007], p. 39-65: Ed. pr. of several inscriptions found during the excavation in Messene. An honorary inscription for Hadrian was set up by Tib. Claudius Macer Campanus, the son of Tib. Claudius Saithidas Caelianus, high-priest and Helladarches of the Achaian Koinon for life (p. 43). A dedication found in the theatre was made by the agonothetes of the Dionysia (p. 44, late 3rd cent. BCE).

226111) P. Thonemann, “Neilomandros. A Contribution to the History of Greek Personal Names”, Chiron 36 (2006), p. 11-43 [BE 2007, 125]: T. collects and discusses personal names composed with Μανδρο- and -μανδρος. Such names, deriving from the name of the river Maiandros (not a god Mandros), are found scattered across the Greek world, but there is a concentration in Ionia (Magnesia on the Maeander, Miletos and its colonies, and Samos). Discussing the existence of double theophoric names (30-33), T. points out that such names are to be found only in Egypt (e.g. Horapollon, Hermanoubis); names such as Athenomandros, Dionysomandros, Dionysermos etc. are not double theophoric names, but composita of the name of a god and the name of a river. [Although T.’s view is supported by strong arguments, the derivation of the overwhelming majority of the mandros-names from the name of the river does not exclude the possibility that in some cases this river was worshipped as a god. Especially the names Mandrodoros, composed according to the common pattern of theophoric names in -doros (e.g. Apollodoros, Dionysodoros, Artemidoros etc.; discussed by T., ibid., p. 14 with reference to EBGR 1998, 65), and Mandronax (cf. Heronax, Helianax, Metronax, Poseidonax, Pythonax etc.), suggest that the bearers of these names attributed to the river divine status; cf. the remarks of L. Dubois, BE 2007, 125; for river-gods in Asia Minor see e.g. EBGR 1996, 107 (Kalykadnos); 2000, 178 (Aneinos), 180 (Meles), 187 (Euros); 2001, 80; 2004, 118].

227112) S.R. Tokhtas’ev, “The Bosporus and Sindike in the Era of Leukon I: New Epigraphic Publications”, ACSS 12 (1/2) (2006), p. 1-62: Detailed historical commentary on the historical context of two dedications made during the reign of Leukon I (c. 389-349): a dedication to Phoibos Apollon by Leukon I in commemoration of a military victory (Semibratnee near Gorgippia; SEG XLVIII 1027) and the dedication of a propylon to Dionysos in Nymphaion (SEG LII 741).

228113) A. Tziafalias – J.L. García Ramón – B. Helly, “Décrets inédits de Larissa”, BCH 130 (2006), p. 435-483: Ed. pr. of an inscription of Larisa containing three honorary decrees; the inscription was to be set up in the sanctuary of Apollon Kerdoos (Larisa, c. 169 BCE).

229114) E. Varinlioğlu, “East of Halicarnassus”, in The Salmakis Inscription, p. 125-131: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary decree from Ouranion (1, Hellenistic period), with no comments. [The decree concerns major building activities in a sanctuary, probably of a goddess; it gives a board of functionaries the authorisation to move a statue (of the goddess?) and to tear down buildings, in order to improve the architectural setting), provides for funds, and allows these functionaries to sell building material from the sanctuary, which is no longer needed. I give an improved text and translation: [--- | vac. κάλ]λιστα ἔσεσθαι vac. | ἔχοντες τὴν ἐξουσίαν | καὶ ἀνελεῖν ἃ ἂν προαιρῶν|ται τῶν οἰκοδομημένων | πρότερον καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἄν|δρων τῶν πρὸ ἑαυτῶν καὶ | μετατιθέναι καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ | ἄγαλμα καὶ τὸ βῆμα αὐτῆς | χάριν τοῦ κατασκευασθῆ|ναι πάντα ὡς κάλλιστα· εἰς | δὲ τὰς ἐσομένας δαπά|νας ὑπαρχέτωσαν πόροι | οἵτινες καὶ πρότερον ὑπῆρ|χον τῆι κατασκευῆι | τοῦ ἱεροῦ καθ᾿ ὅ,τι τὰ ψηφίσ|ματα τὰ ἐν τῶι ἱερῶι ὑπάρ|χοντα περιέχει καὶ νῦν ἐν | τῶιδε τῶι ψηφίσματι γε|γραμμένοι εἰσίν· κατὰ τὰ αὐ|τὰ δὲ ἐχέτωσαν τὴν ἐ|ξουσίαν πωλεῖν ἅ τε ἂν | περισσεύηι αὐτοῖς ἐξ ὧν | ἐπιτελοῦσιν ἔργων ξύλων| ἢ καὶ ἄλλο τι καὶ ὅσα πρότ[ε]|ρον ὑπῆρχεν ἐν τῶι ἱε[ρῶι ---] (‘--- so that it/they may be as beautiful as possible, having the authorisation to tear down whichever construction they wish, of the buildings that had been constructed earlier by the men who were (responsible for the sanctuary?) before them, and also having the authorisation even to move the (cult) statue itself and her platform (i.e. the platform of the godess’ cult statue), so that everything may be constructed in the most beautiful manner. For the expenses, there shall be the same funds as the ones that existed before for the construction of the sanctuary, as it is stated in the decrees that are in the sanctuary, as well as those (funds) that are mentioned in this decree. In the same way, let them have the authorisation to shell the surplus of timber, from the constructions which they make, and anything else, which was in the sanctuary before ---’). Ed. pr. of an altar (?) for a Roman emperor (3).

230115) E. Varinlioğlu, “Five inscriptions from Acmonia”, REA 108 (2006), p. 355-373 [BE 2007, 41]: Ed. pr. of an honorary decree for a priest of Athena Sebaste for life, who is praised for his piety (ἀνὴρ εὐσε[β]έστατος περὶ τοὺς Οὐρανίους καὶ περὶ τοὺς Σεβαστοὺς θεούς), for the dedication of a beautiful statue of Hermes (line 12: Ἑρμοῦ κάλλιστον ἀνδρειάντα), three other statues representing the people, the polis, and the gerousia, and a statue of Zeus Keraunios (Akmonia, 68 CE). [We note the distinction between the traditional gods (Οὐράνιοι) and the deified emperors (Σεβαστοί) and the designation of the statue of Hermes as an ἀνδριάς.] Τhe magistrates in the postscript include a priest of Aklepios Sebastos.

231116) E. Varinlioğlu – P. Debord, “Hyllarima 2004”, AST 23.1 (2005) [2006], p. 117-122: The authors report the discovery of the right part of a stele edited by A. Laumonier (BCH 58 [1934], p. 345 no. 39). There is a Karian inscription on the top, followed by a Greek inscription that lists priests of Apollon (Hyllarima, 263/2 BCE).

232117) C. Vial, “À propos des concours de l’Orient méditerranéen à l’époque hellénistique”, Pallas 62 (2003), p. 311-328: V. presents an overview of the diffusion of agonistic festivals in Asia Minor and the East in the Hellenistic period.

233118) M. Vonderstein, Der Zeuskult bei den Westgriechen, Wiesbaden, 2006: Based on the literary, archaeological, and epigraphic evidence, V. discusses the cult of Zeus in the Greek colonies of Italy and Sicily. The largest part of the book is a description and analysis of the evidence for the cult of Zeus in the Greek cities. A short section (p. 217-228) is dedicated to a systematic discussion of general features of Zeus’ cult: epithets, location of the cult places, rituals, association and assimilation of Zeus with other gods, and the development of the cult. Among the inscriptions which are discussed in some detail we single out a dedication to Zeus Meilichios in Kroton (Arena IV 41; p. 29-32); the boundary stones of Zeus’ Agora and Zeus Aglaos (IGDGG II 42-44; p. 43-45) in Metapontion [on the problematic restoration Διὸς ἀγορα(ίου) cf. EBGR 2005, 51]; a dedication to Zeus Hikesios in Metapontion (IGDGG II 49; p. 53f.); a dedication to Zeus Xenios in Poseidonia (p. 66) [L. Dubois in IGDGG II 22 prefers not to amend the form Xeinos to Xenios]; a dedication to Zeus Soter in Lokroi Epizephyrioi (SEG XXIX 953; p. 104); a cippus of Zeus Orios in Elea (IGDS 51b; Arena V 36; p. 108-111); the Meilichios-stelae and the lex sacra of Selinous (SEG XLIII 630 = NGSL 27; p. 199-213); and an inscribed kerykeion dedicated to Zeus Hikesios and found somewhere in East Sicily (SEG XLVI 1297; EBGR 1997, 247). As regards the lex sacra of Selinous concerning purifications, V. argues that Zeus Meilichios enjoyed a public cult, in addition to the private worship (p. 213). He interprets the kerykeion of Zeus Hikesios as a dedication by a herald after the fulfilment of a difficult task to a patron god.

234119) R. Wachter, “Die griechischen Inschriften”, in R.A. Stucky, Das Eschmun-Heiligtum von Sidon. Architektur und Inschriften, Basel, 2005, p. 319-331 [BE 2006, 461; SEG LV 1651-1654, 1658, 1660-1666, 1679]: W. publishes the inscriptions from the sanctuary of Asklepios / Eshmoun in Bostan esh-Sheikh (near Sidon); only one of these texts was previously known. The texts include an honorary inscription for an agonothetes and priest (?) of Thea Rhome (10) [the reference to the Augusti (lines 5f.: ἀρετῆς καὶ ε[ὐνοίας ἕνεκεν εἰς] | τοὺς Σεβ[αστούς), suggests that this man had also served as a high priest of the Imperial cult]. Two texts record building activities of individuals and professional associations (3, 11). One of them commemorates the construction of an ἀκτή (meeting and cult room?) by the guild of the makers of couches (τέχνῃ κλεινοπηγῶν) and its dedication to the emperor (2, 98 CE). A priest and high-priest [according to P.-L. Gatier, BE 2006, 461, priest of Asklepios and high priest of the ruler cult] made a dedication to Antiochos III, Laodike and their son Antiochos (4, c. 200-193) called θεοὶ σωτῆρες καὶ θεοὶ εὐεργέται. A dedication to Dionysos Kadmeios, i.e. the grandson of Kadmos of Sidon (5, 59 BCE), was made by Demokles, who served as hieraphoros during the celebration of a pentaeteric contest (ἱεραφορῶν ἐν τῶι πενταετηρικῶ[ι ἀσ]τικῶι ἀγῶνι) [P.L. Gatier, ibid., restores [ἰσελασ]τικῶι]. W. interprets the phrase τοῦ ᾿Απολλοφάνους ἱερέως as a dating formula. [P.L. Gatier, ibid., understands it as a reference to the dedicant’s grandfather: Δημοκλῆς Δημοκλέου[ς] τοῦ ᾿Απολλοφάνους ἱερέως (‘Demokles, son of Demokles, grandson of Artemidoros, the priest’)]. There are also six dedications to Asklepios (1-2, 6-9, 1st BCE-2nd cent. CE), made by associations of cutlery-makers (1, for the well-being of the guild: ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινοῦ), by a priest of Mithras (6), by a man for members of his family (7), and by a man as expression of gratitude (εὐχαριστήριον). Asklepios has the attributes θεὸς ἅγιος (1-2, 6, 8) and ἅγιος (7). Another dedication is addressed to Aphrodite (7, undated). A small fragment mentions a high-priest (2).

235120) C. Wikander, “The Practicalities of Ruler Cult”, in Greek Sacrificial Ritual, p. 113-120 [SEG LV 2095]: W. collects the epigraphic evidence for the cult of early Hellenistic kings (Lysimachos, Antigonos Monophthalmos, Demetrios Poliorketes, and Stratonike, Seleukos I, and Ptolemy I) established by cities and the Nesiotic League. The relevant evidence is limited to Athens and the Aegean basin (Euboia, Delos, Samothrace, Lemnos, Samos, coast of Asia Minor) [one may now add the cult of Philetairos in Kyme: SEG L 1195; EBGR 2000, 126]. The rituals (processions, sacrifices, contests, erection of cult statues) did not differ from those of pre-existing cults of gods, on which the ruler cult was modelled. W. concludes that the ruler cult was modelled on already existing patterns of worship [cf. A. Chaniotis, “Isotheoi timai : la divinité mortelle d’Antiochos III à Téos”, Kernos 20 (2007), p. 153-171].

236121) M. Youni, “Maîtres et esclaves en Macédoine hellénistique et romaine”, in V.I. Anastasiadis – P. Doukellis (eds.), Esclavage antique et discriminations socio-culturelles. Actes du XXVIIIe colloque international du Groupement International de Recherche sur l’Esclavage antique (Mytilène, 5-7 decembre 2003), Frankfurt, 2005, p. 183-196: Y. gives a very good overview of the information provided by the inscriptions of Macedonia concerning the manumission of slaves, often in the form of a dedication to a goddess (e.g., IG X 2.2, 18 and 233; SEG XXXVI 617; XXXVIII 632, XXXV 750). The most substantial part of this article treats the dedications of slaves to Meter Theon Autochthon in Leukopetra. Y. regards these dedica­tions as ‘de véritables actes d’affranchissement, qui produisent tous les résultats juridiques’ and argues that they resulted in the liberation of the slaves, who were only obliged to serve in the sanctuary during the ἔθιμοι ἡμέραι. She rightly draws attention to the institution of παραμονή (cf. προσμένω in I.Leukopetra 25 and 37) and the use of a vocabulary similar to that known from manumission records (ἀνέγκλητος, ἀνεπέγκλητος, ἀνεπίβληπτος, ἀνύβριστος, μηδενὸς ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντος, μηδένα κυριώτερον εἶναι), arguing that the expression δῶρον δίδωμι corresponds to ἐλευθερόω (cf. the use of both expressions in I.Beroia 49). She inter­prets the term ὠνή as an indication that the manumitted slaves had paid a price for their manumission (192: ‘c’est l’emploi de ce terme qui indique que l’esclave, en fait, se rachetait. Le fait que le prix du rachat ne soit pas mentionné dans les sources épigraphiques n’est pas décisif’). She also comments on the registration of the donation (καταγραφή) and the decree of the governor of Tertullianus Acquila regulating manumissions in sanctuaries (212 CE). [Although the donations of slaves to the Mother of the Gods at Leukopetra certainly had legal implications that did not differ substantially from a manumission, the texts make clear that the dedicants regarded these acts as donations, not as manumissions; in many cases the donated slaves were children, in other cases the donation was explicitly in fulfilment of a vow, and there are also cases in which slaves were bought only in order to be dedicated (I.Leukopetra 57 and 78); in one case a lost slave was dedicated to the goddess in the hope that she would find him (I.Leukopetra 53); this clearly is not a manumission; for all these reasons one should make a distinction between manumissions and these donations of slaves (cf. EBGR 2000, 155). I should also add that ὠνή in these texts does not mean purchase but, generally, ‘title of ownership’.]

237122) G.A. Zachos – S.P. Dimaki, “Ἐλάτεια (Φωκίς). Ἱερὸ Ἀθηνᾶς Κραναίας. Τὸ ἀρχεῖο τοῦ Κοινοῦ τῶν Φωκέων”, in Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Ἔργο Θεσσαλίας καὶ Στερεᾶς Ἑλλάδας II, p. 869-887: Overview of archaeological research in the sanctuary of Athena Kranaia (Elateia in Phokis). The epigraphic finds (IG IX 1, 97/98, 101, 110-115; cf. I.Magnesia 34) show that this sanc­tuary was the place where the assembly of the Koinon of the Phokeis was summoned.

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Angelos Chaniotis, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2006 (EBGR 2006) », Kernos, 22 | 2009, 209-243.

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Angelos Chaniotis, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2006 (EBGR 2006) », Kernos [En ligne], 22 | 2009, mis en ligne le 26 octobre 2012, consulté le 28 mars 2017. URL :

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Angelos Chaniotis

All Souls College
Oxford OX1 4AL

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